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'The Jews' complain....

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This is a short film by Dieudonne. I don't speak French but even I can see that it spoofs the Holocaust.

Of course, 'The Jews' complain that such a film offends the feelings of those Jews who suffered in the thirties and forties under National Socialism - and they're not wrong. Many Jews did suffer horribly at that time (many of them were innocent) and yes, the film must offend them terribly. 

But again, if  'the Jews' complain about the suffering of innocent Jews, it is 'the Jews' who, by their relentless promotion of their false Holocaust ideology, have only themselves to blame.

Happy birthday, Professor Faurisson

Jew, France is not yours

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This is from the Jewish publication The Tablet

Understandable and justified, it still gives me no pleasure at all - though I was pleased to see this quote:
"A minority of viewers, in an attempt to dispute the chant’s prejudice, have claimed that the protesters are not denouncing “Juif,” but rather “CRIF,” which is the acronym for the Representative Council of the French Jewish Institutions,"


‘Jew, France is Not Yours’ Chant Anti-Government Demonstrators in Paris

Chilling video captures rising anti-Semitism in France

A chilling new video clip recorded yesterday captures the reality of rising anti-Semitism in France. In it, a group of anti-government demonstrators march through Paris, singing the French national anthem and chanting “Juif, la France n’est pas a toi” (“Jew, France is not yours”)–all on the eve of International Holocaust Remembrance Day

Perhaps the most disturbing quality of the video is its vantage point–peering out a window onto the streets of Paris. The implication of the image is as disturbing as it is mundane. Today, in the capital of a European Union member state, one can look out the window and see demonstrators march proudly down the street while shouting anti-Semitic slogans. (A minority of viewers, in an attempt to dispute the chant’s prejudice, have claimed that the protesters are not denouncing “Juif,” but rather “CRIF,” which is the acronym for the Representative Council of the French Jewish Institutions, as though this ameliorates the problem.)

Sadly, such an event is far from an isolated incident. As we’ve reported previously, the European Union’s own Agency for Fundamental Rights found that 40 percent of French Jews are afraid to publicly identify as Jewish, while 56 percent have heard someone say “the Jews have too much power” in the last 12 months. And of course, the country is the home of the increasingly prevalent reverse-Nazi salute, the Quenelle, which was popularized by the anti-Semitic French comedian Dieudonné, and became a global media sensation after it was performed by French soccer player Nicolas Anelka. (Yesterday’s demonstrators were alsophotographed by the press making the gesture.)

Which is why it should come as no surprise that this past week, the Washington Post reportedon the growing French expatriate population in Israel. “As immigration to Israel has dipped over the past 10 years, France is the only country seeing a growing number of its Jewish citizens move there,” the Post notes, adding “there were 3,270 French arrivals last year, an increase of 63 percent from 2012.” As anti-Jewish prejudice in France grows, its Jewish population continues to shrink.

Many French citizens and government officials, including President François Hollande, have spoken out forcefully against the rise of anti-Semitism in their country. The question remains, however: what can be done about it?

The secular 'religion' of the Holocaust

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From the blog of Robert Faurisson in 2008, this comes via the IHR.
Thursday, August 7, 2008

The secular religion of “the Holocaust”, a tainted product of consumer society


The religion of “the Holocaust” is a secular one: it belongs to the lay world; it is profane; in actuality, it has at its disposal the secular arm, that is a temporal authority with dreaded power. It has its dogma, its commandments, its decrees, its prophets and its high priests. As one revisionist has observed, it has its circle of saints, male and female, amongst whom, for example, Saint Anne (Frank), Saint Simon (Wiesenthal) and Saint Elie (Wiesel). It has its holy places, its rituals and its pilgrimages. It has its sacred (and macabre) buildings and its relics (in the form of cakes of soap, shoes, toothbrushes, …). It has its martyrs, its heroes, its miracles and its miraculous survivors (in the millions), its golden legend and its righteous ones. Auschwitz is its Golgotha. For it, God is called Yahweh, protector of his chosen people, who, as said in one of the psalms of David (number 120), recently invoked by a female public prosecutor, Anne de Fontette, during the trial in Paris of a French revisionist, punishes “lying lips” (by, incidentally, sending them the “sharp arrows of the mighty, with coals of juniper”). For this religion, Satan is called Hitler, condemned, like Jesus in the Talmud, to boil for eternity in excrement. It knows neither mercy, nor forgiveness, nor clemency but only the duty of vengeance. It amasses fortunes through blackmail and extortion and acquires unheard-of privileges. It dictates its law to the nations. Its heart beats in Jerusalem, at the Yad Vashem monument, in a land taken over from the natives; in the shelter of a 26-foot high wall built to protect a people who are the salt of the earth, the companions of the “Holocaust” faith rule over the goy with a system that is the purest expression of militarism, racism and colonialism.


A quite recent religion whose growth has been meteoric
Although it is largely an avatar of the Hebraic religion, the new religion is quite recent and has exhibited meteoric growth. For the historian, the phenomenon is exceptional. Most often a religion of universal scope has its origins in remote and obscure times, a fact that makes the task of historians of religious ideas and institutions rather arduous. However, as luck would have it for that type of historian, in the space of fifty-odd years (1945-2000), right before our eyes, a new religion, that of “the Holocaust”, has suddenly come into being and proceeded to develop with astonishing speed, spreading nearly everywhere. It has conquered the West and intends to impose itself on the rest of the world. Any researcher interested in the historical phenomenon made up by the birth, life and death of religions ought therefore to seize the occasion, never so much as hoped for, thus offered to study from up close the birth and life of this new religion, then calculate its chances of survival and the possibility of its demise. Any specialist of war watching out for indications of a coming conflagration would owe it to himself to survey the risks of a warlike crusade such as the one into which this conquering religion may take us.

A religion that embraces consumerism
As a rule, consumer society places religions and ideologies in difficulty or danger. Each year, growth in both industrial production and business activity creates in peoples’ minds new needs and desires, truly concrete ones, lessening their thirst for the absolute or their aspiration towards an ideal, factors that religions and ideologies feed on. Besides, the progress of scientific thinking makes people more and more sceptical as to the truth of religion’s stories and the promises it gives them. Paradoxically, the only religion to prosper today is the “Holocaust” religion, ruling, so to speak, supreme and having those sceptics who are openly active cast out from the rest of mankind: it labels them “deniers”, whilst they call themselves “revisionists”.

These days the ideas of homeland, nationalism or race, as well as those of communism or even socialism, are in crisis or even on their way to extinction. Equally in crisis are the religions of the Western world, including the Jewish religion, and in their turn but in a less visible manner, so are the non-Western religions, themselves confronted by consumerism’s force of attraction; whatever one may think, the Moslem religion is no exception: the bazaar attracts bigger crowds than the mosque and, in certain oil-rich kingdoms, consumerism in its most outlandish forms poses an ever more insolent challenge to the rules for living laid down by Islam.

Roman Catholicism, for its part, is stricken with anaemia: to use Céline’s phrase, it has become “christianaemic”. Amongst the Catholics whom Benedict XVI addresses, how many still believe in the virginity of Mary, the miracles of Jesus, the physical resurrection of the dead, everlasting life, in heaven, purgatory and hell? The churchmen’s talk is usually limited to trotting out the word that “God is love”. The Protestant religions and those akin to them are diluted, along with their doctrines, in an infinity of sects and variants. The Jewish religion sees its members, more and more reluctant to observe so many peculiar rules and prohibitions, deserting the synagogue and, in ever greater numbers, marrying outside the community.

But whereas Western beliefs or convictions have lost much of their substance, faith in “the Holocaust” has strengthened; it has ended up creating a link – a religion, according to standard etymology at any rate, is a link (religat religio) – that enables disparate sets of communities and nations to share a common faith. All in all, Christians and Jews today cooperate heartily in propagating the holocaustic faith. Even a fair number of agnostics or atheists can be seen lining up with enthusiasm under the “Holocaust” banner. “Auschwitz” is achieving the union of all.

The fact is that this new religion, born in the era where consumerism expanded so rapidly, bears all the hallmarks of consumerism. It has its vigour, cleverness and inventiveness. It exploits all the resources of marketing and communication. The vilest products of Shoah Business are but the secondary effects of a religion that, intrinsically, is itself a sheer fabrication. From a few scraps of a given historical reality, things that were, after all, commonplace in wartime (like the internment of a good part of the European Jews in ghettos or camps), its promoters have built a gigantic historical imposture: the imposture, all at once, of the alleged extermination of the Jews of Europe, of camps allegedly equipped with homicidal gas chambers and, finally, of an alleged six million Jewish victims.


A religion that seems to have found the solution to the Jewish question

Throughout the millennia, the Jews, at first generally well received in the lands that have taken them in, have ended up arousing a phenomenon of rejection leading to their expulsion but, quite often, after leaving through one door, they have re-entered through another door. In several nations of continental Europe, in the late 19th and early 20th century, the phenomenon appeared once more. “The Jewish question” was especially put in Russia, Poland, Romania, Austria-Hungary, Germany and France. Everyone, beginning with the Jews themselves, then set about looking for “a solution” to this “Jewish question”. For the Zionists, long a minority amongst their coreligionists, the solution could only be territorial. The thing to do was to find, with the accord of the imperial powers, a territory that Jewish colonists could settle. This colony might be located, for example, in Palestine, Madagascar, Uganda, South America, Siberia, … Poland and France envisaged the Madagascar solution whilst the Soviet Union created in southern Siberia the autonomous Jewish sector of Birobijan. As for National Socialist Germany, she was to study the possibility of settling the Jews in Palestine but wound up realising, from 1937, the unrealistic nature of the idea and the great wrong to the Palestinians that such a project would entail. Subsequently the 3rd Reich wanted to create a Jewish colony in a part of Poland (the Judenreservat of Nisko, south of Lublin), then in its turn, in 1940, it seriously considered creating a colony in Madagascar (the Madagascar Projekt). Two years later, beset by the necessities of a war to wage on land, sea and in the air and taken up with the more and more distressing concerns of having to save German cities from a deluge of fire, to safeguard the very life of his people, to keep the economy of a whole continent running, a continent so poor in raw materials, Chancellor Hitler made it known to his entourage, notably in the presence of Reichsminister and head of the Reichskanzlerei Hans-Heinrich Lammers, that he intended to “put off solving the Jewish question till after the war”. Constituting within her a population necessarily hostile to a Germany at war, the Jews – in any case a large portion of them – had to be deported and interned. Those able to work were made to do so, the others were confined in concentration camps or transit camps. Never did Hitler either desire or authorise the massacre of Jews and his courts martial went so far as to order the death penalty, even in Soviet territory, for soldiers found guilty of excesses against Jews. Never did the German State envisage anything else, as concerned the Jews, than “a finalterritorial solution of the Jewish question” (eine territoriale Endlösung der Judenfrage) and it takes all the dishonesty of our orthodox historians to evoke incessantly “the final solution of the Jewish question” and deliberately evade the adjective “territorial”, so important here. Up to the end of the war, Germany kept on offering to deliver interned Jews to the western Allies, but on condition that they then stay in Britain, for example, and not go and invade Palestine to torment “the noble and valiant Arab people”. There was nothing exceptional about the fate of Europe’s Jews in the general blaze of war. It would have deserved just a mention in the great book of Second World War history. One may therefore quite rightly be astonished that today the fate of the Jews should be considered the essential feature of that war.

After the war it was in the land of Palestine and to the detriment of the Palestinians that the upholders of the “Holocaust” religion found – or believed they’d found – the final territorial solution to the Jewish question.

A religion that, previously, groped along with its sales methods
(Raul Hilberg’s recantation)
I suggest that sociologists undertake a history of the new religion by examining the extremely varied techniques in line with which this “product” was created, launched and sold over the years 1945-2000. They can thus measure the distance between the often clumsy procedures of the beginning and the sophistication, at the end, of thepackagings designed by our present-day spin doctors (crooked “com” experts) for their presentations of “the Holocaust”, henceforth a compulsory and kosher mass-consumer product.

In 1961, Raul Hilberg, first of the “Holocaust” historians, “the pope” of exterminationist science, published the first version of his major work, The Destruction of the European Jews. He expressed in doctoral manner the following thesis: Hitler had given orders for an organised massacre of the Jews and all was explained as somehow coming of those orders. This way of displaying the merchandise was to end in a fiasco. With the revisionists asking to see the Hitler orders, Hilberg was compelled to admit that they had never existed. From 1982 to 1985, under the pressure of the same revisionists asking to see just what the magical homicidal gas chambers, in technical reality, looked like, he was led to revise his presentation of the holocaustic product. In 1985, in the “revised and definitive” edition of the same book, instead of taking an assertive, curt stance with the reader-customer, he sought to get round him with all sorts of convoluted phrases, appealing to a supposed taste for the mysteries of parapsychology or the paranormal. He expounded on the history of the destruction of the European Jews without in the least bringing up any order, from Hitler or anyone else, to exterminate the said Jews. He explained everything by a kind of diabolical mystery through which, spontaneously, the German bureaucrats told themselves to kill the Jews to the very last.“Countless decision makers in a far-flung bureaucratic machine” took part in the extermination enterprise by virtue of a “mechanism”, and did so without any “basic plan” (p. 53); these bureaucrats “created an atmosphere in which the formal, written word could gradually be abandoned as a modus operandi” (p. 54); there were “basic understandings of officials resulting in decisions not requiring orders or explanations”; “it was a matter of spirit, of shared comprehension, of consonance and synchronization”; “no one agency was charged with the whole operation”; “no single organization directed or coordinated the entire process” (p. 55). In short, according to Hilberg, this concerted extermination had indeed taken place but there was no possibility of actually demonstrating it with the aid of specific documents. Two years previously, in February 1983, during a conference at Avery Fischer Hall in New York, he had presented this strange and woolly thesis as follows: “What began in 1941 was a process of destruction not planned in advance, not organized centrally by any agency. There was no blueprint and there was no budget for destructive measures. They were taken step by step, one step at a time. Thus came about not so much a plan being carried out, but an incredible meeting of minds, a consensus-mind reading by a far-flung bureaucracy”. To sum up, that vast project of destruction was executed, magically, by telepathy and by the diabolical workings of the “Nazi” bureaucratic genius. It can be said that with Hilberg, historical science has thus turned cabalistic or religious.

Serge and Beate Klarsfeld, at their end, wanted to set off on the same road of fake science when they called upon French pharmacist Jean-Claude Pressac for assistance. For several years the poor Pressac strove to sell the tainted product in a pseudo-scientific form but, realising the imposture, in 1995 he did a complete turnaround and admitted that, all things considered, the dossier of “the Holocaust” was “rotten” and fit only “for the rubbish bins of history”; such were his own words. The news of his change of heart was to be kept hidden for five years, emerging only in 2000 at the end of a long book by Valérie Igounet, another Shoah peddler, entitled Histoire du négationnisme en France (Seuil, p. 652).

A religion that has at last discovered the up to date sales techniques
It was then that the spin doctors came onto the scene. What with the product having become suspect and potential customers starting to ask questions, the “Holocaust” religion’s management had to steer an altogether different course and give up defending the merchandise with ostensibly scientific arguments: their new approach would be a resolutely “modern” one. It was decided to set only the very least store by efforts at logical argumentation and to replace serious research with appeals to sentiment and emotion, in other words with art: the cinema, theatre, historical novels, shows, story telling (the contemporary art of throwing together an account or framing a “testimony”), the media circus, stage designs in museums, public ceremonies, pilgrimages, worshiping of (false) relics and (false) symbols (symbolic gas chambers, symbolic numbers, symbolic witnesses), incantations, music and even kitsch, the whole thing matched with assorted ways of forcing people to buy it, including various kinds of threats. The filmmaker Steven Spielberg, a specialist in dishevelled and extraterrestrial fiction, has become the leading instigator for holocaustic films as well as for the casting of 50,000 witnesses. In order to sell their tainted product better in the long term, our fake historians and real junk dealers have sought and obtained the primary school “franchise”, with which they instil a taste for “the Holocaust” in the very youngest clientele: for it’s in the earliest years that appetites are acquired, making so that, later on, the customer need hardly be enticed: he’ll demand on his own what he enjoyed as a child, be it sweets or poison. Thus has it come to be that no one involved could care less about history: all serve the sole cause of a certain Remembrance, that is a jumble of legends and slanders that give the public the pleasure of feeling good andrighteous, ready tosing the virtues of the poor Jew and curse the intrinsically wicked “Nazis”, to call for vengeance and spit on the graves of the defeated. At the end it only remains to collect a flood of cold hard cash and receive new privileges. Pierre Vidal-Naquet was but an amateur: in 1979, he had shown himself from the outset to be too basic, too rough in his “Holocaust” promotion. For example, when asked by the revisionists to explain how in blazes, after a gassing operation with hydrogen cyanide (the active ingredient in the insecticide “Zyklon B”), a squad of Jews (Sonderkommando) could enter unharmed into a room still full of that terrible gas, then handle and remove up to a few thousand corpses infused with poison, he, along with 33 other academics, replied that he simply need not provide any explanation. Spielberg, a more skilful man, was to show in a screen drama a “gas chamber” wherein, for once, “by a miracle”, the showerheads sprayed… water and not gas. Subsequently, in his turn, Vidal-Naquet had, quite awkwardly, attempted to answer the revisionists on the scientific level and made a fool of himself. Claude Lanzmann, for his part, in the film Shoah, sought to produce testimonies or confessions, but his result was clumsy, inept and hardly convincing; that said, at least he’d grasped that the main point was to “make movies” and occupy the public forum. Today there is no longer a single “historian” of “the Holocaust” who makes it his business to prove the reality of “the Holocaust” and its magical gas chambers. All of them do like Saul Friedländer in his latest book (L’Allemagne nazie et les juifs / Les années d’extermination, Seuil, 2008): they leave it as understood that it all existed. With them history becomes axiomatic, although their axioms aren’t even drawn up. These new historians proceed with such self-assurance that the reader, taken aback, doesn’t realise the trick being played on him: the smooth talkers go on endlessly about an event whose reality they haven’t established in the first place. And so it is that the customer, believing that he’s bought some goods, has actually bought the smooth talk of the one giving him the sales pitch. Today’s world champion of holocaustic bluff is a shabbos goy, Father Patrick Desbois, one hell of a trickster whose various productions dedicated to “the Holocaust by bullets”, notably in the Ukraine, seem to have reached the very peaks of Judeo-Christian media hype.

A success story of the great powers
A veritable success story in the art of selling, the holocaustic enterprise has acquired the status of an international lobby. This lobby has blended with the American Jewish lobby (whose flagship organisation is the AIPAC) which itself defends, tooth and nail, the interests of the State of Israel, of which “the Holocaust” is the sword and shield. The mightiest nations in the world can hardly allow themselves to annoy such a network of pressure groups which, under a religious veneer, was at first a commercial concern only to become later on military-commercial, constantly pushing for new military adventures. It follows that if other countries, called “emerging”, want to be in good graces with a certain more powerful one, then they would be well advised to bend to its wishes. Without necessarily professing their faith in “the Holocaust”, they will contribute, if need be, to the propagation of “the Holocaust” and to the repression of those who dispute its reality. The Chinese, for example, although they have no use at all for such nonsense themselves, keep well away from any calling into question of the “Jewish Holocaust”; this enables them to pose as the “Jews” of the Japanese during the last war and so point out that they too have been victims of genocide, a formula which, they think, may open the way to financial reparations and political profits, as it has done for the Jews.

A particularly mortal religion
The future trouble for the religion of “the Holocaust” lies in the fact that it is too secular. Here one may well think of the Papacy, which, in centuries past, drew its political and military strength from a temporal power that, in the final analysis, ended up causing its downfall. The new religion is hand in glove with, all together, the State of Israel, the United States, the European Union, NATO, Russia, the big banks (which, as in the case of the Swiss banks, it can force to knuckle under if they show unwillingness to pay out), international racketeering and the arms merchants’ lobbies. This being the case, who can guarantee it a solid base in the future? It has made itself vulnerable by endorsing, de facto, the policies of nations or groups with inordinate appetites, whose spirit of worldwide crusade, as may be particularly noted in the Near and Middle East, has become adventurist.

It has come to pass that religions disappear with the empires where they used to reign. This is because religions, like civilisations, are mortal. That of “the Holocaust” is doubly mortal: it spurs countries to go on warlike crusades and it is rushing to its doom. It will rush to its doom even if, in the last instance, the Jewish State vanishes from the land of Palestine. The Jews then dispersed throughout the world will have only one last resort, that of bewailing this “Second Holocaust”.


***
Translator’s note: The italicised English words are in English in the original.

NB: Already in 1980, in my book Mémoire en défense contre ceux qui m’accusent de falsifier l’histoire (“Statement of case against those who accuse me of falsifying history”, La Vieille Taupe, Paris), I dealt with “the new religion” of “the Holocaust” (p. 261-263). In 2006 I wrote two articles on the subject: “La ‘Mémoire juive’ contre l’Histoire ou l’aversion juive pour toute recherche approfondie sur la Shoah” (“‘Jewish Remembrance’ versus History, or the Jewish aversion to any thorough research on the Shoah”) and “Le prétendu ‘Holocauste’ des juifs se révèle de plus en plus dangereux” (“The Alleged ‘Holocaust’ of the Jews is proving ever more dangerous”).

The second may be found here in English translation.

Posted by Codoh Admin
Labels: Hilberg, Vidal-Naquet

Bibi's disgrace

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From the Daily News


Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu's son sparks uproar by dating non-Jewish Norwegian
News that Yair Netanyahu, 23, has a non-Jewish girlfriend is deeply troubling to many who subscribe to Orthodox Judaism, which prohibits intermarriage.


THE ASSOCIATED PRESSMONDAY, JANUARY 27, 2014 - Norwegian college student Sandra Leikanger is said to be dating the son of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Yair Netanyahu.


JERUSALEM — The love life of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's son is setting off sparks — in Israeli politics.

News that 23-year-old Yair Netanyahu is dating a non-Jewish Norwegian university student has generated interest not just in gossip columns but has also prompted an uproar from religious lawmakers. Orthodox Judaism prohibits intermarriage.

According to reports in Norwegian media, the Israeli prime minister boasted to his Norwegian counterpart, Erna Solberg, about the relationship during a meeting at the World Economic Forum in Davos last week and informed her that his son recently visited Norway with his girlfriend.



Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu , second left, together with his wife Sara and sons Yair and Avner, pose to have their picture taken after voting at a polling station in Jerusalem, Tuesday Jan. 22, 2013.

Netanyahu is a fervent Jewish nationalist and history buff, speaking out strongly against anti-Semitism and other threats facing the Jewish people. He has steadfastly demanded that the Palestinians recognize Israel as the Jewish homeland as part of any peace agreement.

In his younger days, Netanyahu was married a non-Jewish woman who later converted.

Yair, a university student, is the son of Netanyahu's third wife, Sara.

Netanyahu's office has declined to comment on the matter.

Rubbishing Dieudonne

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This is some journalist in The Independent rubbishing Dieudonne.

They've fined him - it didn't work, they threatened him - it didn't work. So they banned him and that doesn't seem to have worked. Now they try to rubbish him and that won't work either.

An act of cruelty: An audience with Dieudonné M'bala M'bala, the man behind the 'quenelle' salute



Dieudonné M'bala M'bala is the man behind the 'quenelle' salute. His fans claim the stand-up represents free speech. Others say he is just a hateful anti-semite. John Lichfield joins the crowd at his latest gig
JOHN LICHFIELD
Tuesday 28 January 2014

Dieudonné M'bala M'bala appears on stage to a feral roar from the audience, with his arms held aloft, more politician than comedian.

Which is he? No politician in France generates such raw excitement. No comedian produces such an intoxicating and disturbing cocktail of self-righteous laughter and joyous anger among his fans.

Howls of gleeful fury greet Dieudonné's every reference to a French politician, or to his alleged "persecution" by the French establishment. Louder howls and boos greet every reference to a Jew or to a Jewish organisation.

Dieudonné M'bala M'bala – the man who invented the controversial "quenelle" arm gesture performed by the Premiership footballer Nicolas Anelka – has belatedly started his 2014 stand-up Tour de France. The show replaces a performance banned by the French authorities earlier this month for inciting racial hatred against Jews.

Mostly, it is the same show, with the provocative anti-semitic quips taken out or replaced by pauses, which the audience cheers with passionate indignation.

Dieudonné is a compelling presence on stage: bearded, balding, black, very large and sometimes funny.

"What the fuck are all you lot doing here?" he asks. "The media and the politicians and the thinkers have ordered you not to come. You must all be crazy anti-semites, assassins and wicked sorcerers. I almost didn't turn up myself."

In Pictures: The controversial 'quenelle'








The performance is in the Bordeaux ice-rink – appropriate for a man who has been skating on thin moral and political ice for almost a decade. The audience of at least 5,000, which fills the venue to capacity, is predominately male. It is mostly white and working class. There are older people and some students, but the great majority seem to be in their thirties and forties. This is different from his usual audience in Paris, which is dominated by conspiracy-loving, far-leftist, bourgeois bohemians.

Dieudonné, half-Breton and half-Cameroonian, was born in the Paris suburbs 47 years ago. He first made his name as a cheeky, anti-racist comedian in a stand-up double act with a Jewish performer, Elie Semoun (one of the Jewish names booed at the Bordeaux show). He had several parts in movies, such as Asterix and Cleopatra. He campaigned, on and off the stage, against racism. He was, he said, a black man who refused "to dance the calypso with a banana stuck up my arse".

From about 2004, for reasons never explained, he metamorphosed into a French version of Louis Farrakhan, the controversial leader of the Nation of Islam in the US.


A pro-Dieudonné supporter does the 'quenelle' gesture, which is said to be a bastardised version of a Nazi salute

On stage, he sometimes speaks in a mock French-African voice, which the Bordeaux audience loves. The rest of the time, he speaks in rapid, colloquial, last-man-in-the bar, working-class French, which the Bordeaux audience adores.

When he reaches a banned part of the old script, Dieudonné pauses and grins or he stares suspiciously, and comically, into a "spy camera" that "They" have hidden in his lectern.

The fans know by heart from YouTube what Dieudonné is supposed to – or not supposed to – say next. Thus, he no longer says: "Why should I have to choose between Jews and Nazis? In all that business, I am neutral."

Instead, he stops and allows an innocent, yet conspiratorial expression to spread across his face. Cue, hysterical cheers and laughter.

Alternatively, Dieudonné gives a censored version of one of his anti-semitic "jokes". In the original show, Dieudonné would attack his frequent critic Patrick Cohen, the Jewish presenter of France's most successful morning radio news show (a cross-Channel equivalent of John Humphrys).

Dieudonné used to say: "When the wind turns, I don't think he'll have time to pack a suitcase. When I hear Patrick Cohen talking, you see, I think of the gas chambers. Pity."

In the revised show, Dieudonné casually mentions Patrick Cohen. (Hysterical booing from the audience). Then he says: "The wind is going to turn, maybe. We will see. I have a feeling that the wind is turning." (Hysterical laughter.) Dieudonné's Bordeaux fans, who have paid €43 each, resemble a pick-and-mix of the people that you might see at provincial, far-right or far-left rallies in France.

Random interviews suggest that they are a rather different set of people: just as angry; just as alienated; but apolitical. They are so furious with "the system" that they are beyond the reach of even populist politicians. They are not beyond the reach of Dieudonné. Their refuge, for now at any rate, is in his destructive, dark humour, rather than in organised politics.

No one will admit to caring much about Jews. It's all just a big anti-System joke, they say.

Cyril, 31, a vineyard worker, says: "I adore Dieudonné. He is not like all those other boring comedians, who go on about the same kind of stuff. He talks about life as it really is. He is educational.

"I'm not anti-semitic. Dieudonné is not anti-semitic," he goes on. "He laughs at everyone. But in this country, there is one community that no one is allowed to laugh at... By trying to ban him, they are proving his point. They are just making him even more popular."

The comedian defends the 'quenelle', stating the gesture is not anti-semitic. Dieudonné's show is not all about Jews. His comedy is based on provocation; pushing things to the edge and then far beyond. There is often an undertow of violence. He is on the side of the ordinary people of France – white and black – and against the elites, with their hypocrisy and their fancy ideas, such as gay marriage.

In one skit, a French homosexual couple goes to Africa to buy a child. Dieudonné, playing a corrupt African official, says: "No, we are not homophobic in Africa. That word is not strong enough. We are homovore. We eat gays."

More hysterical laughter.

Is Dieudonné satirising African attitudes or white attitudes to Africans? He walks a tightrope. You can laugh at his corrupt, homophobic African or you can agree with him. But when it comes to Jews, Dieudonné steps off the tightrope. I count 23 references to Jews in a supposedly "cleaned up" 80-minute show.

There is nothing remotely funny in any of these references. Even with his gaps and pauses, Dieudonné's world view is as follows: the Jews run the world; they are responsible for the suffering of blacks and poor whites. Why? Because they have created a global monopoly of pity by manipulating the Holocaust.

Before the legally-enforced "re-write", his "jokes" on Jews and Nazi concentration camps were frequently drenched in obscenity. The audience in Bordeaux, trained by Dieudonné's videos and YouTube appearances, cheer apparently innocent references to pineapples. Along with the quenelle arm gesture – which may or may not be based on the Hitler salute – this fruit has become Dieudonné's emblem.

A couple of years ago, the comedian re-wrote an old French pop song and called it "Chaud Ananas"– hot pineapples. In French, this sounds like "Shoah nanas" or "holocaust floozies". One of Dieudonné's five convictions for inciting hatred of Jews was based on the words of this song, which incoherently mingle the holocaust, sexuality and obscenity.

The "quenelle" works the same way. Before the Bordeaux show, a wandering "quenelle camera" selected members of the audience. The chosen ones competed to give the most obscene and suggestive quenelle – pointing at the ground with one arm while touching their shoulder or upper-arm with the other hand.

Why is this obscene? Quenelle means an elongated meat-ball or fish-ball. In slang, it means a finger or a penis. Dieudonné's gesture means, symbolically, that you want to shove a "quenelle" as far as possible up the backside of your enemy. His Bordeaux fans, just like Nicolas Anelka, insist that Dieudonné's real target is "the establishment", not the Jews. The quenelle gesture is not anti-semitic, they say, even though it may "accidentally" resemble a Nazi salute.

Stéphane, 57, a building labourer, says that: "In the beginning, they started attacking him for a small sketch that he did on Israeli colonists on the West Bank. So he doubled the stakes and started mocking the holocaust. That's not anti-semitism. It's freedom of speech.

"Pineapples, quenelles, all these things: they have become a symbol, not of anti-semitism, but of resistance to the system. We have a right to mock the way things are run by a minority, against the majority, in this country.

The comedian's critics say that the Dieudonné M'bala M'bala phenomenon – and he is a phenomenon – works precisely the other way around. In the "Dieudonnosphere" (as his fans call themselves) the "establishment" and the "Jews" have become the same thing. People who start off vaguely anti-system are encouraged to become viciously anti-Jewish.

Looking around the people crowded into the Bordeaux ice-rink, it is difficult to believe that they were sincerely anti-semitic. Most have probably never met a Jew. And yet, in January 2014, to hear 5,000 people baying angrily at each mention of a Jew is deeply unsettling.

Dieudonné's show ends with three little girls called up on stage to perform their best and most obscene "quenelles".

The comedian then leads the audience in his newest anti-François Hollande song, which uses the beautiful melody of the anthem of the French wartime resistance, "La Chanson des Partisans". "Can you see, François, what is sliding up your bum? La quenelle."

Is Dieudonné a comedian or politician? First and foremost, he is a businessman. As the audience leave, they snap up T-shirts showing "Dieudo" doing the quenelle at €40 a time. There is also a man handing out leaflets for a book-signing in Bordeaux next month by Alain Soral, a virulently anti-semitic French intellectual, light years to the right of the Marine Le Pen and the National Front. Soral is a friend of Dieudonné

The leaflet man says: "You've seen Dieudonné. Now come and see the man who inspired him." Why not? The master could hardly be worse than the pupil.

What a sweetheart

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From the IHR

The Strange Life of Ilya Ehrenburg


Mark Weber

Ilya Ehrenburg, the leading Soviet propagandist of the Second World War, was a contradictory figure. A recent article in the weekly Canadian Jewish News sheds new light on the life of this "man of a thousand masks." [1]

Ehrenburg was born in 1891 in Kiev to a non-religious Jewish family. In 1908 he fled Tsarist Russia because of his revolutionary activities. Although he returned to visit after the Bolshevik revolution, he continued to live abroad, including many years in Paris, and did not settle in the Soviet Union until 1941. A prolific writer, Ehrenburg was the author of almost 30 books. The central figure of one novel, The Stormy Life of Lazik Roitschwantz, is a pathetic "luftmensch," a recurring character in Jewish literature who seems to live "from the air" without visible means of support.

As a Jew and a dedicated Communist, Ehrenburg was a relentless enemy of German National Socialism. During the Second World War, he was a leading member of the Soviet-sponsored Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee. (At fund-raising rallies in the United States for the Soviet war effort, two leading members of the Committee displayed bars of soap allegedly manufactured by the Germans from the corpses of murdered Jews.)

Ehrenburg is perhaps most infamous for his viciously anti-German wartime propaganda. In the words of the Canadian Jewish News: "As the leading Soviet journalist during World War II, Ehrenburg's writings against the German invaders were circulated among millions of Soviet soldiers." His articles appeared regularly in Pravda, Izvestia, the Soviet military dailyKrasnaya Zvezda ("Red Star"), and in numerous leaflets distributed to troops at the front.

In one leaflet headlined "Kill," Ehrenburg incited Soviet soldiers to treat Germans as sub-human. The final paragraph concludes: [2]

“The Germans are not human beings. From now on the word German means to use the most terrible oath. From now on the word German strikes us to the quick. We shall not speak any more. We shall not get excited. We shall kill. If you have not killed at least one German a day, you have wasted that day ... If you cannot kill your German with a bullet, kill him with your bayonet. If there is calm on your part of the front, or if you are waiting for the fighting, kill a German in the meantime. If you leave a German alive, the German will hang a Russian and rape a Russian woman. If you kill one German, kill another -- there is nothing more amusing for us than a heap of German corpses. Do not count days, do not count kilometers. Count only the number of Germans killed by you. Kill the German -- that is your grandmother's request. Kill the German -- that is your child's prayer. Kill the German -- that is your motherland's loud request. Do not miss. Do not let through. Kill.”

Ehrenburg's incendiary writings certainly contributed in no small measure to the orgy of murder and rape by Soviet soldiers against German civilians.

Until his death in 1967, "his support for the Soviet state, and for Stalin, never wavered," the Canadian Jewish News notes. His loyalty and service were acknowledged in 1952 when he received the Stalin Prize. In keeping with official Soviet policy, he publicly criticized Israel and Zionism.

The Canadian Jewish News further writes:

“ … The recent disclosure that Ehrenburg arranged to transfer his private archives to Jerusalem's Yad Vashem library and archive, while still alive, comes as a stunning revelation. The reason this information has come to light only now is that Ehrenburg agreed to transfer his archive on condition that the transfer, and his will, remain secret for 20 years after his death. On Dec. 11 [1987], with the 20-year period expired, Israel's daily Maariv related Ehrenburg's story…”

The collection includes material about the important wartime Jewish partisan movement. Among the documents in the collection is one concerning a pogrom in Malalchovka, a village near Moscow, which took place in 1959.

This new revelation about one of the most influential figures of the Stalinist regime shows that, whatever he may have said for public consumption, Ehrenburg never privately disavowed Zionism or forgot his ancestry.



Notes

1. Rose Kleiner, "Archives to throw new light on Ehrenburg," Canadian Jewish News (Toronto), March 17, 1988, p. 9.

2. Alfred de Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam (London: Roudedge & Kegan Paul, 2nd edition, 1979), pp. 6546, 201; Erich Kern (ed.), Verheimlichte Dokumente (Munich: FZ- Verlag, 1988), pp. 260-61, 353-55.

The real quenelle...

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This is Roger Tucker writing on One Democratic State

The Real Quenelle: Why French Gefillte Fish Isn't Kosher

Roger Tucker


The quenelle is first inserted into the cavity...

The current flap over the gesture called a “quenelle” is revealing in a number of ways. It’s instructive to look first at a couple of Wikipedia entries. “The word quenelle is derived from the German Knödel (noodle or dumpling)” (which we know from Yiddish cuisine as a knadel). “French political activist and comedian Dieudonné M'bala M'bala is credited with creating and popularizing the gesture, which he first used in 2005 in his sketch entitled 1905 about French secularism and has been used since in a wide variety of contexts.. The first time Dieudonné used the gesture in a political context was for his 2009 European election campaign poster for the "anti-Zionist party", he stated that his intention was "to put a quenelle into Zionism's butt".. “The name quenelle comes from an elongated fish meatballs dish, which is said to look like a suppository. Hence, the phrase 'mettre une quenelle' ('to give someone the quenelle'), with a gesture simulating fisting practice, is similar to the English 'up yours'. The arm outstretched refers to the length of the arm going up one's bottom." Such a rich word, with so many Jewish-related meanings.

“When French footballer Nicolas Anelka of West Bromwich Albion F.C. performed the quenelle to celebrate scoring a goal on 28 December 2013, the gesture, which was already considered ‘something of a viral trend’ in France, became an international news story and one of the most searched terms on Google. Anelka described the gesture as anti-establishment rather than religious in nature, and said he did a quenelle as a "special dedication" to his friend Dieudonné. However, French minister for sport Valérie Fourneyron called his actions "shocking" and "disgusting", adding: "There’s no place for anti-Semitism on the football field.." In response to the incident, club sponsor Zoopla announced that it would not continue its sponsorship deal with West Bromwich after the 2013–14 season..” (The Wikipedia entry fails to mention that Zoopla is co-owned by Jewish businessman Alex Chesterman.) “Each year, the ‘Golden Quenelle’, (Quenelle d'Or) is given, in a parody of the Oscar ceremony, to the people who expressed the most anti-establishment views.” Quelle phénomène!

Enough from Wikipedia; let’s move on. Is the quenelle anti-semitic, anti-Zionist or anti-establishment? That is the question that seems to crop up all the time and encapsulates the theme of this essay. As in the case of the quenelle, a gesture, like a word, can have different meanings depending on who is displaying it and in what context. The more is at stake, the more fraught the arguments over interpretation. In the case in question, we have a very hot potato. I think that mashed potatoes make a lovely complement to a well made quenelle.

Let’s ask another question. Why is this brouhaha important, if indeed it is? From the tribal Jewish perspective, they obviously feel very threatened. We could ignore that, because Jewish voices have been crying wolf forever. But somehow this is different - who is being attacked? The Jews? The Zionists? The Establishment? Aha! It’s all three! It’s the conflation, the melding of meanings, that bothers them the most, because it cements the linkage. This is the genius of Dieudonné. The professional victims are being exposed by the real victims, their victims. The expert, talmudic manipulators are being out-manipulated. Tribal Jewry is being hoist on its own petard. Gotta love it.

When I refer to 'them', i.e., tribal Jewry, the reference is not ethnic nor is it religious; it is memetic, a cultural identity. I am Jewish, by birth and upbringing, but the tribal identification didn't take. I didn’t ingest the memes; instead, I spat them out. The taste didn't agree with me. I chose to regard myself simply as human. Moreover, I am more than happy to act and to advocate on behalf of that identity group. This view is generally referred to as humanist, or universalist. A universalist chooses the human race as his or her tribe. Conflicts generally arise because people choose to identify with some secondary, lesser category.

To neatly characterize what the terms ‘Jewish’, ‘Zionist’ and ‘the Establishment’ add up to in combination, we do have a potentially useful word - fascism. The accepted dictionary definition is, sadly, inadequate and misleading, which is why many people regard the word as essentially meaningless. It needs to be redefined, because, properly defined, it would be extremely useful. Fortunately, there has been an honest attempt at doing so. I know it's a good one because I wrote it. No false modesty here. See 'Us vs. Them: On the meaning of Fascism'. Then you'll be up to speed and we can proceed.

Pause, followed by further elucidation...

Abuse of power, combined with some sense of supremacy or entitlement is at the heart of fascism, which distinguishes it from tribal pride and self-respect. That's why, when confronted by the police, demonstrators invariably shout "fascist pig!" Throughout history there has been an ongoing battle between numerous outbreaks of fascism and what could best be described by the quaint old word, civilization, just ordinary human society in some stable, non-aggressive form. Oh, as for the canard that the quenelle is an inverted Nazi salute, see Zionism and Nazism: Is there a difference that makes a difference?

The three main forms of fascism are ethnic, religious and nationalist. In the current conflict between tribal Jewry and the rest of the world, all three are in play - secular Jewish ethno-centrism, Judaism in its various forms (it is hard to imagine a non-fascist Judaism – they would have to throw out the Old Testament) and bellicose Israeli nationalism. It's the perfect storm.

Jewish culture has been around for a long time. Some Jews, as well as gentiles, have recognized it as the source of 'the Jewish problem.' For example, “If this hostility, even aversion, had only been shown towards the Jews at one period and in one country, it would be easy to unravel the limited causes of this anger, but this race has been on the contrary an object of hatred to all the peoples among whom it has established itself. It must be therefore, since the enemies of the Jews belonged to the most diverse races, since they lived in countries very distant from each other, since they were ruled by very different laws, governed by opposite principles, since they had neither the same morals, nor the same customs, since they were animated by unlike dispositions which did not permit them to judge of anything in the same way, it must be therefore that the general cause of anti-Semitism has always resided in Israel itself and not in those who have fought against Israel.”
~ Statement regarding the expulsions of Jews, by noted Jewish author Bernard Lazare in “L’antisémitisme, son histoire et ses causes,”published in 1894

Over the millennia, the nature of the problem has hardly changed at all, except for the innovation of there being a Jewish State, which, ironically, was created for the specific purpose of solving the problem. Instead, 'The Problem' has metastasized from a persistent source of pain and suffering into a world threatening disease. This will only get worse until the unholy trinity of Jewish tribal identity, Zionism and the Establishment disintegrates and the leaders of “the Free World” stop prostrating before the altar of the Golden Calf.

In the meantime, we the people have the le grand geste de Dieudonné to keep our spirits up.

Vive Dieudonné et la Quenelle!

They're not laughing now

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A couple of weeks ago I posted here about the growing awareness in France of the need to confront abusive Jewish power and how people were beginning to laugh at Jewish power.

In my fear, I suggested what ordinary decent Jews in France and elsewhere could do. First, that they immediately disassociate themselves from their leaders and organisations and then, if they could, do the following: 
  • Press publicly and immediately for the repeal of Holocaust denial and all 'thought-crime' laws, full and free historical enquiry into the Holocaust and all World War II history and the cessation of all reparation payments to Holocaust survivors.
  • Press publicly and immediately for Israel to acknowledge the crimes of 1948, agree to the principle of the Palestinian Right of Return and begin meaningful talks with everyone and anyone on how to immediately improve the terrible situation in Israel/Palestine.
  • Publicly distinguish between 'anti-Semitism' and Jew-hatred (You can change the words if you want) - the one being a legitimate opposition to an abusive Jewish power, the other being a blind hatred of all Jews simply because they are Jews. Acknowledge the legitimacy of the one and the illegitimacy of the latter.
I then suggested that, as well as the above, Jews should just hope that their non-Jewish neighbours keep on laughing. 

Well, they're not laughing now...

Sir Oswald Mosley

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This clip is of David Frost interviewing Sir Oswald Mosley in 1967 and it's interesting how the same issues come up.  

For you non-Brits who may not know, Mosley was in the thirties our very own British fascist and, second only to Adolf Hitler himself, was the big bogey-man of my childhood. So, like any other Jewish kid growing up in the fifties and sixties, I was thoroughly immersed in tales of fascist terror in the then Jewish East End and of Jewish heroism heroism à la the Battle of Cable Street.

Like with so many things, it was only later that I heard the other point of view so my guess now is that the picture of Sir Oswald as evil personified is wildly inaccurate - though I'm sure he wasn't quite as innocent as in this clip, he would have us believe.  
Of one thing I'm sure. Whatever Oswald Mosley may or may not have been he could never match the horribleness of the young, bumptious and ever- sneering, David Frost. 

When lies become reliable

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This comes from  Jewish Journal via Professor Robert Faurisson. you can see the film that all the fuss is about here

International holocaust day 2014: Holocaust denial - becoming scarily reliable

By Noga Gur-Arieh




When lies become reliable, is the time for us to worry.

How positive you are that the Holocaust really occurred? That it is not one big fraud planned by the US and its allies? That the pictures that you see of piles of dead bodies are not just the bodies of Jews who fled to Europe from communist Russia and died from typhus disease? That the use of Zyklon B was not an attempt made by the Germans to stop the spread of this terrible disease? That when high-ranked Nazis admitted to committing terrible crimes against minorities and seeking to kill all Jews after they got arrested, weren’t forced to do so by the victors of the war? What would you say to a Holocaust survivor’s testimony that confirms that information? Where she explains that the reason the Nazis cut their hair was lice epidemic, and that they were lucky to sleep in cramped bunk beds that the Nazis managed to arrange for them, because the alternative was sleeping outside in the cold.

All of the above is part of a documentary named: “Adolf Hitler – the greatest story never told.” This three-hour long film is merely a small part of a growing list of conspiracy-based films proving the Holocaust never existed. Accompanied by an American narration and dramatic music, those films provide answers to every doubt that may arise while watching. They show documented proof to every single claim they make and are very convincing. They are also being sold on mainstream websites, such as Amazon, which provides them with another approval of authenticity.

The technology of the 21st century allows haters to deny the occurrence of the Holocaust with a simple editing program and some viral push in social networks. By disguising lies as solid facts, creators of those films fool thousands of unaware people every day. Lies that are easy for us to detect can seem as reliable facts to the many people who are not surrounded by the memory of the Holocaust.

Up until recently, those Holocaust deniers, wishing to spread hate throughout the world, had very little impact while facing Holocaust survivors and European citizens from those dark times. With time, though, the number of witnesses is decreasing rapidly. If I heard a testimony from a Holocaust survivor every year from first to 12th grade, my nine year-old cousin will not have that privilege. She will have to rely on the stories being told to her by her teachers and family members. She will also have to watch the films and documentaries that fill the entire broadcast schedule of the Israeli television during the Holocaust Memorial Day. She will have to visit Poland in the 11th grade with her class, as part of the ongoing national program. She will have to ask questions, be interested and remember.

Soon it will be entirely up to us, the second and third generation, to keep the memory of the Holocaust alive so that history could never repeat itself. Once the witnesses all rest in peace, all we will have left are stories, pictures and items that can be easily be claimed as fake. It will be us against them, and we must continue being the majority. Denying the Holocaust is now as easy as proving it occurred, and social networks are still unable to detect lies.

In recent years, anti-Semites and neo-Nazis are carefully stepping out of the shadows and managing to slowly sweep groups of fans after them. Making people believe they are not the ones to blame for their own troubles is easy, especially in times of financial struggle. Placing the blame on someone else is easier. Now, we can still fight them virtually, forcing them back into the darkness. We can still write to Amazon and ask them to stop working with contributors poisoning people’s minds with lies. We can still counter those lies online. We can no longer sit aside with confidence that “it will never happen again,” the time to act is now.

Jews, you know what you have to do

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This is from The Vineyard of the Saker website and when I read it I get the feeling that I'm getting the very latest and the very truest from deep within France - and elsewhere.


The message is very clear. The cycle of history is no longer with 'the Jews'. They are, for the moment, rumbled and no matter what they do they cannot escape the inevitable exposure.

Those Jews who have any hopes of preserving (for the time being at least) any vestige of pride (if such a thing is possible) in their identity and heritage - well, you know what you have to do.

State repression in France only makes resistance grow stronger


Last November I wrote a piece entitled "Is a new revolution quietly brewing in France?" in which I described the struggle which was taking place between the French people and the Zionist plutocracy which has ruled France over the past decades (roughly since 1969) and today I am returning to this topic as events have rapidly accelerated and taken a sharp turn for the worse. A number of most interesting things have happened and the French "Resistance" (I will use this collective designator when speaking of the entire Dieudonne/Soral movement) is now being attacked on three levels.

Intellectual level:


Eric Naulleau

This is, by far, the most interesting "counter-attack". A well-known French commentator, Eric Naulleau, agreed to a "written debate" with Alain Soral in which both sides would discuss their differences and the transcript would be published in a book entitled "Dialogues Désaccordés" (which can roughly be translated as "detuned dialogs" or "dialogs out of tune" or even "disagreeing dialogs"). To explain the importance of this publication I have to say a few words about Naulleau himself.

Everybody in France knows Eric Naulleau as one of the two partners of a "journalistic tag team" called "Naulleau and Zemmour" in which one of the partners - Eric Naulleau - is a Left-leaning progressive and the other - Eric Zemmour - is a Right-leaning conservative. Together they form a formidable and, sometimes, feared team of very sharp and outspoken critics and commentators which was featured on various shows on French TV. Zemmour, in particular, is an extremely intelligent and very charming person whose wonderful sense of humor combined with a outspoken attitude often got him in trouble. He is one of the few French Jews who actually got sued by the notorious LICRA (rabid Zionist organization formed by Trotskyists to attack those opposing them) for daring to say "French people with an immigrant background were profiled because most traffickers are blacks and Arabs... it's a fact" on TV. Together, Naulleaua and Zemmour are known for being formidable debaters and very tough and even blunt critics who can take on pretty much anybody.

Naulleau explained that, according to him, it made no sense at all to ban Soral from the mass media because that still gave the option for Soral to record his shows on the Internet where they would be viewed by millions of people (that is not an exaggeration, by the way, Soral's videos do score more views than some national TV channels!). Naulleau explained that in his videos Soral was always alone, free to say whatever he wanted, without anybody contradicting or challenging him and that his goal was precisely that - to unmask, challenge and defeat Soral in an open debate in which he would show all the fallacies and mistakes of Soral's theses. To say that Naulleau failed in his goal would be an understatement. Soral absolutely crushed every single one of Naulleau's arguments to the point where I personally felt sorry for Naulleau (whom I like a lot as a person). Worse, not only did Soral absolutely obliterate Naulleau, he also made a prediction and said: "you will see the shitstorm which will hit you for agreeing to make this book with me!". And that is the crux of the disagreement between Soral and Naulleau: do the Zionists control the French media yes or not? Can they blacklist somebody or not? Is there a shadow "Zionist censorship" in France or is public speech still free? Soral's thesis is that France is in the iron grip of a "behind the scenes" Zionist mafia which is exactly Naulleau vehemently denies. The problem for Naulleau is that he proved Soral to be right.

The French media immediately attacked Naulleau for "providing Soral with a platform to spew his hateful theories" to which Naulleu logically replied that Soral was already doing so on the Internet and that, besides, he - Naulleau - did not believe in censorship but in a strong and free debate. Naulleau also got attacked for not saying this or not saying that - in reality for getting so totally defeated by Soral in the debate. The book, by the way, became an instant bestseller with, indeed, made it possible for even more French people to think through Soral's arguments and make up their own mind. So, ironically, and even though Naulleau clearly wanted to challenge Soral, he did him a huge favor by allowing him to break the media blockade around his name - Soral is never ever invited on a talkshow - and by allowing the ideas of Soral to come right back into the public debate via this book, Naulleau de facto helped Soral. Some have even speculated that Naulleau might be a secret sympathizer of Soral and that he did all of this deliberately. I don't believe that at all - Naulleau is sincere, and Naulleau is also naive: he is now only slowly coming to grips with the fact that Soral's core thesis - that the Zionists completely control the French media - is a fact and that Soral's prediction about Naulleau getting in trouble for this book was spot on. Right now, Naulleau and his friend Zemmour still have a show on a small local TV station, but clearly Naulleau has now deeply alienated the French plutocracy. As far as I know, nobody has dared to speak in Naulleau's defense. The funniest thing of all is that even though both Soral and Naulleau are officially coauthors of this book and even though Naulleau attempts to deny that Soral is blacklisted, only Naulleau got interviewed on the French talkshows, never Soral. Not once. What better way could there be to prove Soral right?


"Personalities lynch mob" level:

While Naulleau was trying to defend himself against attacks from all sides for daring to co-author a book with Soral, something absolutely unprecedented took place: day after day after day, media personalities were shown on TV trashing Dieudonne and his "quenelle" gesture. This really looked like a "virtual lynching" or a Stalinist trial - politicians, journalists, comedians, commentators, actors - you name it - all took turns to ridicule, insult, denounce and otherwise express their hatred for Dieudonne. This truly became an Orwellian "two minutes of hate" in which Dieudonne was designated as the target of an absolutely vicious hate campaign.


Bedos as "Dieudo Hitler Bin Laden"

A mediocre comedian named Nicolas Bedos was even given 12 minutes of uninterrupted air time to compare Dieudonne to both Hitler and Osama Bin Laden and his shows to a Gestapo interrogation room. It was surreal, really. If an extraterrestrial had just tuned in and watch this display of vicious hatred he would have imagined that Dieudonne was a 2nd Hitler about to invade France with a huge army of bloodthirsty Nazis. For me, it was clear that the reason why all these different personalities were standing in line for the chance to outdo each other in taking a shot at Dieudonne was to prove their loyalty to the Zionist "deep-state". This was as transparent as it was sickening. And again, it proved that Soral was right and that, if anything, he was understaitng the degree of control of the Zionist plutocracy over France.


State level:

Finally, from being more or less covert, the persecution of Dieudonne and Soral by the French state became completely overt. I already mentioned how in early January the French Minister of the Interior, Manuel Valls, used his powers to ban the latest show of Dieudonne (see here and here). Over recent weeks, this repression has reached a new level with even more lawsuits against Soral (12 simultaneous lawsuits, see Google-translated list here) and administrative harassments (evening "visits" by bailiffs, abusive arrests, threats, police search of his small theatre in Paris) against Dieudonne. All these events taken together - and it is really not hard at all to connect the dots - for a very clear picture: the power of the state is used to persecute, harass and repress Dieudonne and Soral. And that, of course, just goes even further in proving that Soral is right in his central thesis about France being run by a shadow occupation "deep government" whose loyalties are not to the French people, but to the Zionist plutocracy and Israel.

The reaction against this state of affairs is also becoming stronger and the amount of people supporting Dieudonne and Soral has literally skyrocketed. The reason for that is not only that a lot of French people share the same views as Soral and Dieudonne, but also a deep running French cultural tradition of admiring rebels and disliking the state. Add to this that Hollande is the most hated President in French history and that the French economy is going down the tubes triggering untold suffering and rage in the people suffering form the crisis, and you get a very explosive mix: the so-called "Day of Rage".

Check out these videos before they are removed form YouTube

:
Anybody who knows France well will tell you that this is very serious stuff because, unlike other demonstrations which typically oppose a law, or a policy or a specific event, these demonstrators clearly are rejecting the legitimacy of the entire political system: they want regime change. So far, the French media has tried to minimize the coverage of this event and the French elites are trying hard to pretend like this is some small, fringe, extremist group, which is utter nonsense. France is bubbling with rage.


Zionist panic:

The Zionists are actually aware of that, and they are now in the panic mode. Just take a look at the headlines of this Israeli-French website:
On the top right, you can see the Israeli founder of this website - Jonathan-Simon Sellem and on the top left you see Arno Klarsfeld, a well-known "French" (Jewish/German/French) lawyer and rabid Zionist. Here is what they are quoted saying:

Jonathan-Simon Sellem: "Dieudonne, you will never be a martyr. You will not be  a hero. Your name will be cursed in history, by history".

Arno Klarsfeld: "This is a crucial moment in history: Jews are already beginning to leave France".

Clearly, these two gentlemen see Dieudonne as some modern mix of Agag, Hamman, Titus, Hitler and Bin Laden - a terrifying, bloodthirsty and infinitely dangerous and evil man who threatens the survival of the Jewish race (nevermind that Jews are not a race).

Could that be a little bit of an over-reaction?

What are these folks so terrified of?

I think that the answer is obvious: what they are so terrified of is not that Dieudonne and Soral will reopen Auschwitz somewhere near Paris, or that French Jews will be expelled from France. They know that this is paranoia (which Gilad Atzmon calls "Pre-Traumatic Stress Disorder") is absolute crap: French Jews are safe, happy and welcome in France and nobody is seriously out there to do them any harm. No, what this small clique of Zionist Jews (representing a tiny fraction of the much more diverse French Jewry) really fears is that the truth about them and their power over the French deep-state will come out. And this is not only about Jews. There is a non-Jewish plutocracy formed around the Jewish core of French bankers and financiers which is also completely in bed with the Zionists and whose future depends on maintaining the Zionist control over France: politicians, of course, but also actors, journalists, academics, etc. - a full constellation of Shabbos Goyim willing to do Israel's Sayanim's dirty job for them. It is this entire elite and the system which it built which is threatened by Soral and Dieudonne and by what the movement "Equality and Reconciliation" stands for: a union of all the French people (native or immigrants) which together are determined to resist the Zionist oppression of France and who, just as in WWII, will resist the occupier until the Liberation.


When and how could such a "Liberation" occur?

I don't know. These events are very complex and multi-dimensional and it is, I believe, impossible to predict what could happen. What I am sure of, is that this movement, this Resistance, will not be crushed, nor will it somehow magically disappear. To paraphrase the Communist Manifesto, the French people "have nothing to lose but their chains": their country is ruined and they are ruled by an evil foreign occupier. In terms of dynamics, every move which is made against Soral and Dieudonne only makes things worse for the occupation regime - the harder the strike, the harder the blowback. The legitimacy of the regime, in particular, is greatly affected by such absolutely ridiculous actions like the "overkill" of a Minister of Internal Affairs using the highest court in the country (the State Council) in an emergency session to ban a single comedian's stand-up show.

Sure, for the time being most people in France comply, obey, or look the other way. But everybody knows, everybody understands and very few believe in the official lies, especially in the younger generation.

This all reminds me of the Soviet Union of the 1980s where externally nothing much was happening and where the system itself looked ugly but safe. Russians were making anti-Brezhnev jokes at private parties while the KGB from time to time arrested dissidents. But nobody - not even the KGB officers - had any respect for the system, the regime, the official ideology and its propaganda. Everybody did what they were told, but nobody believed in what they were doing. That is the exact situation not only for the French cops who are constantly used to ban, harass and arrest Dieudo and his supporters, but also of an increasing percentage of the general public.

Right now the pressure on the dam is getting stronger and stronger, and the cracks more and more visible. So far, the elites have had enough fingers to stick into the cracks, but this is clearly a futile attempt to delay the inevitable. And when the French dam will burst, it will impact on only France, but also a good segment of western Europe. So while the pro-US Ukrainian nationalists want to subordinate their country to the EU, the EU is threatened with an inevitable and violent explosion. But, like on the sinking Titanic, the media's "orchestra" will be playing its music until the last second.



Worse than useless

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I'm grateful to Shelby Tucker for sending me this.


It's from Mondoweiss and is steeped in ambiguity. For example, what on earth is meant by "The following letter was shared with Mondoweiss:"? Does Mondoweiss support/sponsor this letter or not? The answer is yes and no - which is just as Mondoweiss wants it.

The letter is part of a two-pronged approach to current realities. The first is the ongoing dumping of Israel by American Jews. Israel has long been a liability to Jewish well-being (in other contexts read 'power'). After all, dropping phosphorus bombs on children isn't quite what we're looking for right now, is it?

But it's also an inevitable response to the current collapse of Jewish power in France and everywhere else. "Too little, too late" is the phrase usually used. But if it wasn't so little, then 'too late' wouldn't matter so much, and if it wasn't so late then, 'too little' might just suffice. 


As it is, it's worse than useless.


Open Letter from NY Jews to Mayor de Blasio: ‘AIPAC does not speak for us’

Adam Horowitz on January 29, 2014 9

The following letter was shared with Mondoweiss:

An Open Letter to Mayor Bill de Blasio:

We are Jewish residents of New York who read, in the leaked transcript of your private speech to a meeting of AIPAC leaders, the following:

“City Hall will always be open to AIPAC. When you need me to stand by you in Washington or anywhere, I will answer the call and I’ll answer it happily ’cause that’s my job.”

We understand that the job of mayor of New York is a complex one that often calls for your participation on the international stage, and we would not presume to define your job for you. But we do know that the needs and concerns of many of your constituents–U.S. Jews like us among them–are not aligned with those of AIPAC, and that no, your job is not to do AIPAC’s bidding when they call you to do so. AIPAC speaks for Israel’s hard-line government and its right-wing supporters, and for them alone; it does not speak for us.

Sincerely yours,

Ruth J. Abram
Karen R. Adler
Arlene Alda
Anita Altman
Esther Ann-Asch
Emanuel Ax
Peter Beinart
Andrew Berger
Loren Bevans
Martin I. Bresler
Kenneth David Burrows
Howard Clyman
Rabbi Rachel Cowan
Barbara Deinhardt
Barbara Dobkin
Eugene Eisner
Laurel W. Eisner
Daniel Engelstein
Eve Ensler
Danny Goldberg
Sally Gottesman
Linda Gottlieb
Laurence Greenwald
Jane Hirschmann
Erica Jong
Peter A. Joseph
Alice Kessler-Harris
Rabbi Sharon Kleinbaum
Gil Kulick
Martha Weinman Lear
Bobbie Leigh
Jonathan Leigh
Alan H. Levine
Rabbi Ellen Lippmann
Rabbi J. Rolando Matalon
Marilyn Kleinberg Neimark
Donna Nevel
Kathleen Peratis
Letty Cottin Pogrebin
Bertrand B. Pogrebin
Michael Ratner
Anne Roiphe
Betty Rollin
Al Ruben
Marlene Sanders
James Schamus
Dan Silverman
Beverly Solochek
Carla Singer
Rabbi Felicia Sol
Alisa Solomon
Gloria Steinem
Herbert Teitelbaum
Rebecca Vilkomerson
Rabbi Burton Visotzky
Peter Weiss
Jack Willis
Eugenia Zukerman


Goodbye Gaza

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This is from The Observer

Goodbye Gaza: our correspondent reflects on her time in the Middle East

After three years reporting on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, our Middle East correspondent is coming home to the UK. With heavy heart she pays a farewell visit to Gaza and pays tribute to the resilience, creativity and humour of its people


Harriet Sherwood


The beach in Gaza City, 'Gaza's one magnificent natural asset'. Photograph: Mohammed Salem/Reuters

Hazem Balousha was uncharacteristically despondent when he greeted me recently at the end of my long walk through the open-air caged passageway that separates the modern hi-tech state of Israel from the tiny, impoverished, overcrowded Gaza Strip.

Hazem has been a colleague and a friend for three and a half years, a relationship built over more than 20 visits I've made to Gaza. He arranges interviews and provides translation; but most importantly he helps me understand the people, the politics and the daily struggle of life in Gaza. We have talked for hours in his car, over coffee, at his home. He has accompanied me to grim refugee camps and upmarket restaurants; to the tunnels in the south and farms in the north; to schools and hospitals; to bomb sites and food markets; to the odd wedding party and rather more funerals. In the face of Gaza's pressure-cooker atmosphere and bleak prospects, he – like so many I've met here – has always been remarkably good-humoured.

But not this time. As we waited for Hamas officials sporting black beards and bomber jackets to check my entry permit, I asked Hazem: "How's it going?" He shrugged, and began to tell me about the many phone calls he'd had to make to find a replacement cooking gas canister recently, and how his small sons whine when the electricity cuts out for hours each day, depriving them of their favourite TV shows.                                                                              Hazem Balousha.

"This is what we have come to. We wake up in the night worrying about small things: cooking gas, the next power cut, how to find fuel for the car," he said dejectedly. "We no longer care about the big things, the important things, the future – we just try to get through each day."

The people of Gaza are reeling from a series of blows that have led some analysts to say that it is facing its worst crisis for more than six years, putting its 1.7 million inhabitants under intense material and psychological pressure. Israel's continued blockade has been exacerbated by mounting hostility to Gaza's Hamas government from the military regime in Cairo, which sees it as an extension of Egypt's deposed Muslim Brotherhood. The Egyptians have virtually cut off access to and from Gaza, and as a result Hamas is facing crippling financial problems and a new political isolation.

Power cuts, fuel shortages, price rises, job losses, Israeli air strikes, untreated sewage in the streets and the sea, internal political repression, the near-impossibility of leaving, the lack of hope or horizon – these have chipped away at the resilience and fortitude of Gazans, crushing their spirit.

This was my last visit to Gaza before returning to London to live and work. I moved to Jerusalem in May 2010, to report principally on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but also social and cultural issues and the regional upheavals that erupted three years ago. Since I first came here almost 10 years ago, I had been fascinated by the place, its people, its history and its compelling complexity.

I arrived eager to learn more about what is frequently called the world's most intractable conflict, and to try to understand the powerful feelings of historical injustice on both sides. I am leaving angry about an occupation that has lasted close to half a century, weary of Israel's grinding oppression of the Palestinian people, cynical about the political leadership on both sides and in the international community, and pessimistic that a fair resolution will be reached.

Before heading home, I needed to say goodbye to Gaza, an extraordinary and unforgettable place. David Cameron once described it as a prison camp, which is exactly how it feels, hemmed in by walls and fences on three sides. On the fourth side, the Mediterranean, Israeli war ships patrol the horizon; overhead, F16s roar and drones buzz around the clock. "They are exercising their engines," said Hazem with a wry smile, as a plane screeched over us. But they also unleash missiles on weapons stores, military training sites and militants' homes in response to rockets launched at civilian targets in Israel.

Not many outsiders get to see Gaza. As a foreign journalist, holding an Israeli-issued press card and a Hamas-issued Gaza residency permit, I can enter relatively easily. Israeli journalists are banned by their own government, which means their readers are rarely exposed to first-hand reports. Israel allows diplomats, UN staff and accredited aid workers to cross Erez, the border crossing at the northern tip of Gaza which it controls, and issues special permits to Palestinian officials and foreign delegations. Pretty much everyone else is barred.

The caged walkway at the Erez border crossing between Israel and Gaza. Photograph: David Levene for the Guardian

Consequently, the vast hangar-like terminal on the Israeli side echoes to the footsteps of these few, plus a tiny number of Palestinians, nearly all of whom are going to or returning from business trips or hospital visits. Since a number of suicide bombings at Erez a decade ago, the Israeli border and military personnel remain in offices high above the ground level, watching through blast-proof glass and CCTV, and issuing instructions via speakers. It is an eerie and unsettling experience, however many times you do it.

Once you have passed through Israeli passport control, arrows direct you down a high-walled narrow corridor and through a series of turnstiles that take you to a remotely operated steel door in the vast concrete wall built along the border. The other side of the wall is Gaza, but you are confined to a long caged corridor through the Israeli-designated "buffer zone". For the fit and healthy, it's a 15-minute walk to the official Palestinian Authority office, where your passport is checked again. Attesting to the bitter political divide between the Fatah-run PA and the Hamas government in Gaza, Hamas officials run a separate entry process in a handful of shabby Portakabins half a mile down the road. Here you need to present your Hamas entry permit and have your bags checked for contraband, including alcohol. Booze-smuggling is not tolerated; if found, it is immediately poured into the ground.

Inside Gaza, there are few restrictions imposed on foreigners. I've often been asked if I have to wear a headscarf on Hamas-controlled territory. Only once have I been asked to cover my hair, when visiting the Islamic university which operates a strict dress code for women students and staff – but I do have a "Gaza wardrobe" of trousers and long-sleeved, loose-fitting shirts. The vast majority of women in Gaza wear the hijab, but not all; and among those who do, there is a cheering amount of fashionable creativity and individuality on display.

Another question I'm frequently asked is if I feel safe. The answer is yes and no. I've never felt in danger from any Palestinians in Gaza, Hamas or otherwise, except from customary gunfire at funerals. But I'm constantly aware of the risk of being inadvertently caught in an Israeli airstrike. During Operation Pillar of Defence, the eight-day war in November 2012, I lay awake at night listening to shells launched by Israeli warships whizz past my hotel window, the sound of overhead bombing, and the whoosh of Hamas and Islamic Jihad rockets being fired out of Gaza. I was very frightened – and acutely aware that Palestinians faced a far bigger risk.

Fourteen months after that mini-war, on this last visit, Hazem and I talked of the hope – now long faded – that swept Gaza when the Israeli army and Jewish settlers pulled out in 2005. The sense of liberation at the time, and the dream that Gazans might be free to determine their own future, and become a model of a future state of Palestine, was swiftly dashed on the rocks of Israel's political actions and military operations, and the rise of Hamas.

Another brief moment of hope came in May 2010. Under intense international pressure following the killing of nine pro-Palestinian activists on board a flotilla of boats attempting to break the blockade of Gaza, Israel eased its draconian siege which had been in force since Hamas took control of the strip. Then, I talked to factory owners who were desperate to begin importing raw material and exporting finished goods, fishermen impatient to take their boats beyond a three-mile limit imposed by Israel; families who longed to visit relatives in the West Bank without having to travel through Jordan.

Palestinians clean up the tunnels destroyed by Egyptian forces, who flooded some of the tunnels with sewage. Photograph: Getty Images

But now, eight and a half years and two wars since Israeli "disengagement", Gaza is still blockaded and hope is rare. Israel controls most of its borders, deciding who and what can get in and out. Almost all exports are still banned; fishermen are regularly shot at by the Israeli navy; families are still separated. And in recent months, Egypt has destroyed hundreds of tunnels which had been Gaza's life support system, and has locked down the sole border crossing at the southern end of the strip, cutting Gazans off from the outside world.

Inevitably, the consequences of the policies of Israel and Egypt – plus the continued political enmity between Hamas and Fatah – have had their most acute impact on ordinary people. In Gaza City, Hazem and I passed long queues of vehicles, whose drivers were waiting for hours to buy fuel. One, his face filmed with stress-induced sweat, suddenly leapt from behind the wheel of his yellow taxi to yell at another motorist. Omar Arraqi had waited in line for two hours to partially fill his near-empty fuel tank, and there was no way he was going to allow the interloper to push in front.

Yelling and finger-jabbing have become routine at Gaza's gas stations; sometimes punches are thrown. "People have fights all the time," said Arraqi, whose income has dropped by 70% since Gaza's fuel shortages took hold. The government fixes rates for taxi journeys – the only form of public transport in Gaza – while the cost of fuel, when available, has rocketed. Arraqi said it was becoming increasingly hard to buy food as prices of basic provisions were also rising.

But he was most worried about the health of his two-year-old daughter, who was born with hydrocephalus. After two failed operations in Gaza, she had surgery in Egypt – but since the Cairo regime closed the border crossing last summer she has had no further treatment. "Without help, she will be disabled," said Arraqi, worry etched across his face.

His story was one of many accounts of daily small-scale struggles I heard during my last visit. The manager of a family-owned clothes shop told me he'd reduced his staff from 25 to 12, as well as cutting their wages by 10%. Families whose breadwinners are among the tens of thousands who have lost their jobs, or whose pay has been cut, told me they have less money to spend in the markets, where prices have shot up as a result of higher transport costs and the absence of cheap Egyptian goods. The price of a kilogram of tomatoes has quadrupled, along with steep hikes in the cost of essentials such as flour and sugar.

Electricity is rationed, currently eight hours on followed by eight hours off. Some families are cooking indoors on open fires, at considerable risk of injury. Children are forced to study by candlelight. People set alarms for the early hours in order to be able to take a shower or charge their phones or send an email. Mealtimes are now determined by power supply rather than tradition.

Gaza's hospitals have to take into account the vagaries of the power supply when scheduling surgery; pharmacies are running low on medicines. Roadworks and half-finished buildings – new homes, hospitals, schools – are abandoned as the lack of materials makes completion impossible.

Last month, a devastating storm swept through the Middle East bringing chaos and destruction to Gaza. At least 10,000 families were made homeless by flooding; children had to wade through rivers of rainwater mixed with raw sewage to reach school. The storm wiped out fruit and vegetable crops. "After almost seven years of siege, we were simply unable to cope," a local aid worker told me.

An indication of personal desperation and social unravelling lies in an unprecedented rise in property crime, previously almost unheard of in Gaza. Domestic violence is also increasing.

The UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, is feeding more than 800,000 Gazans – almost half the population, and a record number. But UNRWA is also facing a catastrophic 20% drop in income while need is rising. "So much pressure has built up," Robert Turner, UNRWA's director of operations, told me. "How far can Gaza bend before it snaps?"

Gaza has come close to breaking point before – especially during the brutal three-week war with Israel in 2008-9. But I've always been impressed by the resilience, creativity and humour of ordinary people, despite their adverse circumstances and repeated setbacks.

Memories of many individuals I met will stay with me for a long time. In June 2012, I visited the artist Maha al-Daya at her home just after she returned from a four-month stint as artist-in-residence at the Cité Internationale des Arts in Paris, leaving her three young children in the care of her husband amid some disapproval. As she showed me her colourful seascapes and vivid abstracts, she laughed when I asked her how she found inspiration in the dust and destruction of Gaza. "This is what I see," she said, adding that if I looked for colour and vibrancy against the grey backdrop of Gaza, I would also find it.

Long before he shot to global fame after winning Arab Idol last year, I met singer Mohammed Assaf at a wedding party at which he was performing. He told me he had been arrested more than 20 times by Hamas security forces, who demanded he stop singing in public. He refused to be deterred: "My message as a Palestinian is that we not only speak or fight or shoot, but we also sing," he said.

Dr Izzeldin Abuelaish. Photograph: AP

I spent a glorious day on the beach – Gaza's one magnificent natural asset – with 12-year-old Sabah Abu Ghanim, a passionate surfer who regularly hogged the single ancient board shared between friends and family and who studied surfing techniques on the internet. She told me she felt "freedom and happiness" in the waves that crash into Gaza's coastline. Yet she accepted without resentment the conservative social mores that would require her to give up her beloved sport when she reached puberty.

I cooked maftoul, a type of couscous, and made cheese- and herb-filled pastries with the women of the Zeitun Kitchen, who run a successful collective business catering for weddings and parties from premises that regularly lack power. Along with a tightened waistband, they left me with an indelible memory of cheerful gossip and laughter as they worked in the gloom and stifling heat.

I had the privilege of meeting Dr Izzeldin Abuelaish, a remarkable obstetrician whose three daughters were killed in an Israeli airstrike in January 2009. His anguished telephone call moments after their death to an Israeli television presenter and friend was broadcast live to shocked audiences. His book, I Shall Not Hate, was a testimony to an extraordinary capacity to overcome. "Hate is a poison, a fire which burns you from the inside," he told me at his family's home, which then still bore the scars of the shelling, in Jabalia in northern Gaza. "It's easy to destroy life but very difficult to build it."

These and others belie the demonic image of Gazans, often promoted by Israel. Rather, they are overwhelmingly decent people who simply want food on the table, a better life for their children, dignity, respect and freedom.

But not all my encounters were positive. I also met grieving mothers who expressed fervent hope that their infant sons would grow up to avenge their dead fathers or siblings by killing Jewish children, a profoundly depressing illustration of the cycle of violence here. I listened to Hamas officials saying the bloodshed of their own civilian population was necessary in the fight to the death with the "Zionist entity". I witnessed the funerals of children, saw the destruction of homes, felt growing despair and the near-extinguishing of hope.

And – despite's Israel's intentions when it tightened its siege following the Hamas takeover in Gaza in 2007 – I've seen the Islamic party's power become more entrenched during my time here.

Hamas was elected on a wave of revulsion against the corrupt Fatah old guard and on a track record of providing practical support and services to the population, as well as a pledge to lead the resistance against the Israeli occupation. It has since suppressed political opposition, enforced an Islamic code of social conduct and, with its repeated rocket attacks, provided Israeli politicians with a useful justification for some of their more extreme rightwing policies.

Now, after the brutal crackdown on Hamas's ideological parents, the Muslim Brotherhood, in next-door Egypt, the faction is facing a crisis. It is unable to ease the harsh living conditions of the people of Gaza, thanks to the calamitous loss of income and cash flow following the closure of the tunnels. It is now politically isolated in the region, and its unpopularity at home is growing. Yet its power is unchallenged.

"This is Hamas's hardest moment, its worst crisis since it won the election in 2006," Mkhaimer Abusada, professor of political science at Gaza's Al Azhar university, told me over sweet mint tea. "But we are very afraid. Hamas does not allow any protests, any opposition. We're sick and tired of Hamas, but we don't have an alternative." Gazans, he added, had become "hostages to Hamas and Fatah, Israel and Egypt – they are all gambling with our lives. I think the worst has not yet come. There will be more miserable days ahead."

The UN recently warned that Gaza was rapidly becoming uninhabitable.But this is not as a result of a natural disaster – an earthquake, say, or a typhoon – but of destruction, de-development, suffocation and isolation caused by the deliberate policies of Israel and Egypt, with significant contributory factors from both Hamas and Fatah. And the material and psychological siege of Gaza has profound consequences not just for the population, but also for regional security.

On my last morning in Gaza, the terrace restaurant of the beachfront hotel I have frequented over recent years was almost empty. Few journalists and diplomats come to Gaza these days, as attention – understandably – has swivelled to crises elsewhere in the region. "The world has forgotten us," one Gazan told me.

After breakfast, Hazem drove me back to the Erez border crossing, through streets in which donkey-drawn carts are replacing fuel-thirsty vehicles, and men while away their lives sipping coffee on plastic chairs for the want of a decent day's work. I left a place that I have grown to care deeply about with a profound sense of gloom about its future. After Hamas officials gave me permission to go, Hazem and I risked a socially unacceptable parting hug and he wished me good luck. But it's he and the people of Gaza who need luck, and a lot of it.

A good Israeli and a good Jew

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This piece is called "Israel needs to learn some manners" and is from the New York Times. It comes to me via Dan McGowan.

Dan commented "It is encouraging that the New York Times has seen fit to publish it, apparently in its domestic as well as its international edition. 

Well I agree and moreover note that Professor Shlaim's title for his piece somehow brings out the essential sweetness of the man. I know this because nearly fifteen years ago I had the pleasure of meeting him. 

In his email Dan also commented that"Avi Shlaim has been a long-time supporter of DYR" and he attached this photo.
It's from 2001 with Professor Shlaim to my right followed by the late Issam Nashashibi (look closely at Issam's face. Did you ever see more dignity?) and then Dan. Dan and Issam were in London for the 2001 Deir Yassin commemoration 

That commemoration was notable because two leading rabbis Rabbi John Rayner and Rabbi Jeffrey Newman decided to attend. This caused no end of a fuss in the letters column of the Jewish Chronicle with Zionist after Zionist queuing up to deny that there ever was a massacre at Deir Yassin - 'a battle that the Arabs lost' was their preferred description. It was then that Avi Shlaim weighed in and that shut them up.

JEWISH CHRONICLE – March 23rd 2001 
As one of the ‘new’ or revisionist Israeli historians, I have followed with interest the debate about Jewish participation in the London commemoration of the Deir Yassin massacre. Some details are still in dispute, but the broad outlines of the story are clear. It is very much to Israel’s credit that it allows access to its official documents under the 30-year rule. These documents leave no room for doubt that the Irgun and Lehi units that attacked the Palestinian village of Deir Yassin on 9 April 1948 committed a massacre.

It was probably not premeditated, but a massacre it was, and it claimed the lives of over a hundred Palestinians. Some of your correspondents would be well advised to consult Benny Morris’s 1988 book The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949. Morris makes it clear that there was a prolonged firefight followed by a massacre.

Dr Colin Leci (JC February 23rd) is wrong to describe Deir Yassin as “a heavily armed Arab military post”. It was a small village that had concluded a non-aggression pact with the Haganah. Haganah forces assisted in the initial attack on the village with mortar fire but they took no part in the subsequent slaughter.

During the house-to-house fighting the Irgun and Lehi units did not save “40 women, children and elderly people who had been forced to remain”. After the fighting was over, the dissidents rounded up unarmed civilians and murdered dozens of them. There were cases of mutilation and rape. While irregular Arab forces did defend the village, there is no reliable evidence that some of them were dressed up as women.

Dr Leci described the inhabitants of Deir Yassin as “the victims of war”. The available evidence suggests that most of them were the victims of an atrocity committed by members of the Irgun and Lehi.

Rabbi Dr Sidney Brichto (March 2nd) advises Jews not to join in the commemoration of this sad event. He fears this would give a propaganda coup to the Palestinian authorities. True, there is a risk that the commemoration of a human tragedy which occurred 53 years ago may be exploited for propaganda purposes today. Rabbi Brichto is not obliged to run this risk. But the position he has adopted is not exactly a shining example of moral courage.

Courage, humanity, and a sense of justice are some of the qualities displayed by Rabbis John Rayner and Jeffrey Newman. They recognise that the issue of the distribution of responsibility is a complex one. But they also note that the Palestinian tragedy is a by-product of the Zionist enterprise. Their position strikes me as eminently reasonable and I plan to follow their example by attending the Deir Yasssin Memorial Day.

(Professor) Avi ShlaimSt Antony's College, Oxfordavi.shlaim@st-antonys.oxford.ac.uk

He did attend the event and I think the next day Dan, Issam and myself traveled up to Oxford to meet him and pose with him for that photo.

I didn't know Avi Shlaim well but I remember a sweet, gentle and good man. He is also a good Israeli and a good Jew so it's no surprise to me that in the article below he is completely unable to acknowledge (even to himself) the pernicious Jewish role in America 


Israel Needs to Learn Some Manners
By AVI SHLAIM
JAN. 30, 2014


OXFORD, England — On Jan. 14, the Israeli defense minister, Moshe Yaalon, told the daily Yediot Aharonot, “Secretary of State John Kerry — who arrived here determined, who operates from an incomprehensible obsession and a sense of messianism — can’t teach me anything about the conflict with the Palestinians.” Even by Israeli standards, Mr. Yaalon’s comments were rather rude. Mr. Kerry’s crime was to try to broker Israeli-Palestinian peace talks that began last July and to stipulate a nine-month deadline. This is the kind of talk that gives chutzpah a bad name.

The episode also reveals a great deal about the nature of the much-vaunted special relationship between the United States and Israel. It suggests that this relationship is a one-way street, with America doing all the diplomatic heavy lifting while Israel limits its role to obstruction and whining — repaying Uncle Sam’s generosity with ingratitude and scorn.

Israeli leaders have always underlined the vital importance of self-reliance when it comes to Israel’s security. But the simple truth is that Israel wouldn’t be able to survive for very long without American support. Since 1949, America’s economic aid to Israel amounts to a staggering $118 billion and America continues to subsidize the Jewish state to the tune of $3 billion annually. America is also Israel’s main arms supplier and the official guarantor of its “quantitative military edge” over all its Arab neighbors.

In the diplomatic arena, Israel relies on America to shield it from the consequences of its habitual violations of international law. The International Court of Justice pronounced the so-called “security barrier” that Israel is building on the West Bank to be illegal. All of Israel’s civilian settlements on the West Bank violate the Fourth Geneva Convention, but Israel continues to expand them.

Since 1978, when the Camp David Accords were brokered by President Jimmy Carter, the United States has used its veto power on the Security Council 42 times on behalf of Israel. The most shocking abuse of this power was to veto, in February 2011, a resolution condemning Israeli settlement expansion that had the support of the 14 other members of the Security Council.

Some Americans, especially those of the neoconservative persuasion, favor the strongest support for Israel on the grounds that the interests of the two allies coincide in the Middle East. An argument can be made that the occupation of the West Bank serves Israel's security interests even if it erodes the foundations of Israeli democracy and turns Israel into an international pariah.

There is no rational argument, however, that Israel’s occupation of the West Bank serves America’s national interest. On the contrary, as General David Petraeus told a Senate committee in 2010, the occupation foments anti-American sentiment throughout the Islamic world and hinders the development of America’s partnership with Arab governments. A resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is therefore a major, if not vital American interest.

America poses as an honest broker, but everywhere it is perceived as Israel's lawyer. The American-sponsored “peace process” since 1991 has been a charade: all process and no peace while providing Israel with just the cover it needs to pursue its illegal and aggressive colonial project on the West Bank.

The Quartet, which consists of the United States, Russia, the United Nations and European Union, came up in 2003 with an excellent road map for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel by the end of 2005. But the Quartet cannot act independently of the United States to pressure Israel. Its record suggests that it is little more than a clever American device for wasting time.

Mr. Kerry is to be commended for the energy and commitment that he has displayed in pursuit of peace in the Middle East and for the 11 trips he has made to the region in his first year in office. But his peace mission was doomed to failure from the start. The Kerry-hating Mr. Yaalon and his hawk-infested Likud party are committed to the geopolitical status quo on the West Bank at almost any price. Their real aim is to terminate the peace talks and blame the Palestinians.

In a normal country a defense minister who played fast and loose with such a crucial bilateral relationship would have been thrown out on his ear. But Israel is not a normal country.

The reason that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu did not disown his defense minister is that what Mr. Yaalon said is what Mr. Netanyahu thinks. The real problem is not Mr. Yaalon’s bad manners but the policy that he and Mr. Netanyahu are trying to foist on their senior ally: to prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state, to confront Iran, to protect Israel’s nuclear monopoly, and to preserve its regional hegemony solely by military means. This program is diametrically opposed to America’s true national security interests.

America gives Israel money, arms and advice. Israel takes the money, it takes the arms, and it rudely rejects the advice.

The fundamental problem with American support for Israel is its unconditional nature. Consequently, Israel does not have to pay a price for acting unilaterally in a multilateral world, for its flagrant violations of international law, and for its systematic abuse of Palestinian human rights.

Blind support for the Jewish state does not advance the cause of peace. America is going nowhere in the Middle East until it makes the provision of money and arms conditional on good manners and, more importantly, on Israeli respect for its advice.

Avi Shlaim is an emeritus professor of international relations at Oxford University and the author of “The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World.”

RAW (Recycle Apartheid Walls) Prize

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The idea of offering a prize for the best proposal of how to recycle Israel's "Separation Barrier" when it is torn down was conceived at the One Democratic State Conference in Munich in 2012.  The seed money came initially from Dan McGowan and Gilad Atzmon.  Other organizations and individuals subsequently joined.

A description of the project and prize is listed below.  Proposals are being evaluated by board members of Deir Yassin Remembered.  The winner will be announced on April 9th, the 66th anniversary of the massacre.  The entry of one of the submitters is shown  below.  Enjoy it and feel free to share it with others, including the media.

RAW (Recycle Apartheid Walls) Prize
Most people recognize that the apartheid wall Israel has been building for the past ten years will one day be removed. But few have given serious consideration to how best to recycle hundreds of miles of this “separation barrier.”

Now RighteousJews.org, Gilad Atzmon, and several human rights organizations are offering a significant prize for the best proposal of how to recycle the concrete portion of this wall.

Prize: The initial prize is $1,000, but as paid sponsors are added the prize is expected to increase to $25,000.

Judges: Submissions will be judged by the Board of Advisers of Deir Yassin Remembered, a “balanced” group of human rights advocates, Palestinians, Jews, and others.

How to Apply: Written submissions can be sent to Deir Yassin Remembered, c/o Daniel McGowan, 9 One Mile Point, Geneva, New York 14456 (USA) along with a $25 submission fee, which will be waived if the submitter comes from the West Bank or Gaza.

Deadline: All submissions must be received by January 31, 2014. The winner will be announced the following Deir Yassin Day, April 9, 2014.

Sponsors:

Righteous Jews.org
If Americans Knew
Gilad Atzmon
Americans for Just Peace in the Middle East
Deir Yassin Remembered
Jewish Witnesses for Peace and Friends

Other sponsors donating at least $250 are most welcome, even Zionist and settler advocates who share the belief that the wall will be recycled.

The RAW Prize is unique within Palestinian/Israeli activism.

First, it changes the narrative from separation to reunification, from racism to universal human rights, from two states to one with equal civil rights for all.

Second, it focuses attention on the enormity and the cost of this instrument of separating the “chosen” from the “children of a lesser God.”

Third, it is forward-looking, not static. It neither condemns nor justifies the wall, but simply looks at what will be come of it in the future.

Fourth, it is “green.” It is not about destruction, but about recycling – recycling for the benefits of humanity. Could houses be made from these huge T-shaped blocks of reinforced concrete? Could breakwaters and coastal erosion projects use such easily dismantled objects?

Fifth, both Jews and non-Jews recognize that the wall will go. Now both can work to recycle it. It promotes activism now, even by those who are not into boycotts and vigils and writing blogs.

Sixth, media attention will be generated as proposals are revealed and as the prize is increased with the addition of new sponsors.


One Interesting Submission for the RAW (Recycle Apartheid Walls) Prize

Architecture and civil engineering are not specialties of mine and so I won't have a lot to say about such technical aspects of recycling the apartheid wall. However, it is clear that the metal in the fencing and the concrete slabs can be recycled using off-the-shelf technology. For instance, according to the Construction Materials Recycling Association, 140 million tons of concrete are recycled in the United States every year (see concreterecycling.org). The obvious uses for the recycled apartheid wall concrete are road and building construction. Parts of the concrete slabs could also probably be used successfully for artificial fishing reefs and related uses in the Mediterranean. Again, the creation of artificial reefs is a well-established practice.

In what follows I want to suggest a conceivably longer-lasting and farther-reaching use for the apartheid walls. I would propose reusing the wall as an educational tool to teach history, political science, and human rights. Specifically, representative sections of the wall should be moved and re-erected, preferably outdoors, to form the centrepieces of museums in six locations. These museums would all have standard exhibits about the apartheid wall itself, its construction, location, political background, etc. and perhaps, a comparison to the Berlin Wall. Each city would also have unique exhibits particular to that location. These exhibits would not attempt to memorialize the entire Palestinian experience--presumably after Israeli apartheid falls there will be other museums and historic exhibits at sites such as Deir Yassin--but would recount events with special resonance to each location.

Site: Basel, Switzerland
Primary topic(s): Herzl & the First Zionist Congress

Basel was, of course, the site of the First Zionist Congress in 1897. It is also where the Zionist movement first formally set its sights upon Palestine. Museum exhibits in Basel would focus on the congress, the life and work of Theodor Herzl, and the early history of the Zionist movement. A useful subtopic would compare and contrast the Dreyfus Affair as the impetus of Herzl's Zionism with the fact that the affair split French society and Dreyfus was completely exonerated. The idea expressed by Herzl in Der Judenstaat that Jewish emancipation, once in place, was irreversible would also figure into this discussion.

Site: Berlin, Germany
Primary topic(s): The world wars, National Socialism, & the Zionist movement

The Zionist quest for a Great Power sponsor in Palestine would be the focus of the Berlin exhibits. Particular attention would be paid to: 1) The Balfour Declaration and the course of WW I; 2) WW I as prelude to the rise of National Socialism and WW II; 3) The history of Zionist collaboration with Hitler's government, e.g. the Haavara/Transfer Agreement; and, 4) The Holocaust Industry and its uses in financing the Zionist project in Palestine and as an ideological cudgel.

Site: Bethlehem, Palestine
Primary topic(s): An-Naksa & Christian Zionism

The Bethlehem site is suggested because it is within the territory captured during an-Naksa, the 1967 war, and is today one of the locations where the Israeli government has erected the wall. There is also its symbolic importance as a pilgrimage site at the place where Christians believe Jesus Christ was born. The main exhibits of the Bethlehem museum would focus on an-Naksa and on the history of Christian Zionism as a departure from the teachings of Jesus and a heresy that misled millions.

Site: Hollywood, USA
Primary topic(s): Cultural representations of Zionism, Arabs, & Israel

The film and television industry have played a powerful role in shaping American, even international, perceptions of the conflict in Palestine and of the parties to it, see e.g. the films Exodus and Cast a Giant

Shadow. The Hollywood exhibits would document how key cultural institutions came under the dominance of pro-Israel partisans and how that impacted their work product and the shaping of popular perceptions of Arabs and Jews. There would also be an exhibit complementary to the Berlin exhibit on the Holocaust Industry, which would focus on film and television representations of The Holocaust.

Site: London, UK
Primary topic(s): Balfour Declaration & Mandate Palestine

The London exhibits would be centred on the Balfour Declaration with three focal points: 1) The history of the Rothschilds, Zionism, and British imperialism; 2) The declaration in the context of WW I; and, 3) The British experience in Palestine with an emphasis on Jewish terrorism against British troops, e.g. the King David Hotel bombing.

Site: Moscow, Russia
Primary topic(s): Russia & Palestine

Historically, Russia is the largest single source of Jewish immigrants (over 1.2 million*) to Palestine. The Moscow exhibits would focus on this complicated history and its relationship to other global events. For instance, as early as 1904, when he financed the Japanese government in its war with Russia, the German-born Jewish American banking magnate Jacob H. Schiff worked to be bring about the demise of Czarist Russia. When the Bolsheviks came to power in 1917, Schiff ended the crippling financial embargo he orchestrated against Russia. Significantly, 1917 also marks the year of the Balfour declaration and Schiff's subsequent conversion to Zionism.† The USSR would later become the first country to formally recognize Israel in 1948.

Site: New York, USA
Primary topic(s): The United Nations & Palestine

Key subtopics for New York are 1) The UN's 1947 partition resolution and how it violated the founding principles of the organization; 2) The assassination by Jewish terrorists of the UN mediator Folke Bernadotte; and, 3) An exhibit on how and why, for decades, the UN was unable to act decisively against repeated Israeli violations of international law. It may make sense add another non-UN exhibit that would focus on the pre-WW II Jewish-led boycott against Germany and the role of prominent American Jews in breaking it. This would be complementary to the Haavara exhibit proposed for Berlin.

Site: Washington, DC, USA
Primary topic(s): US Foreign Policy & The Israel Lobby

In Washington, DC, the exhibits would focus on the critically important US role in launching and maintaining the Jewish state with special emphasis on: 1) US entry into WW I and the suppression of the King-Crane commission report; 2) The Israeli attack on the USS Liberty; 3) The neoconservatives, 9/11, and the US invasion of Iraq; and, 4) A general overview of the Israel Lobby and how it and Zionism were able to dominate American public policy for so long.

It may be that other communities would welcome a section of the wall for their own purposes. For example, Olympia, WA is the home of the slain human rights activist Rachel Corrie. Provision should be made to preserve other sections of the wall for commemorative purpose beyond the ones outlined above.

* See http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Immigration/immigration_by_country.html

† See Evyatar Friesel. "American Zionism and American Jewry: An Ideological and Communal Encounter." American Jewish Archives (1988) Vol XL. p. 15.


Think what to do..

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This is from The Occidental Observer and is about growing tensions in San Francisco.

Amidst all the fuss and discussion about the quenelle, much is made of its breakthrough identification of Jews with the elite establishment.

In my view ordinary Jews in San Francisco, France and elsewhere would do well to read this and then think what to do.

Tom Perkins’ faux pas

Posted: 02 Feb 2014

There’s a bit of civic tension in San Francisco these days, pitting mostly young, relatively rich employees of tech companies against the older residents. Rents and housing prices are skyrocketing, forcing some of the previous residents to flee. The most visible results of this upheaval are the tech company buses that roam the streets, picking up and dropping off techies. Lately there have been protests of the buses, including threats of violence. A NY Times report:
Demonstrators regularly block the shuttles. Last week, a group of activists stalked a Google engineer at his East Bay house, urging the masses to “Fight evil. Join the revolution.” A prominent venture capitalist struck back, comparing the tech elite with persecuted Jews in Nazi Germany. 
Nazi Germany?? This stems from what Tom Perkins, the “prominent venture capitalist,” wrote to the Wall Street Journal:
Writing from the epicenter of progressive thought, San Francisco, I would call attention to the parallels of fascist Nazi Germany to its war on its “one percent,” namely its Jews, to the progressive war on the American one percent, namely the “rich.”

From the Occupy movement to the demonization of the rich embedded in virtually every word of our local newspaper, the San Francisco Chronicle, I perceive a rising tide of hatred of the successful one percent. There is outraged public reaction to the Google buses carrying technology workers from the city to the peninsula high-tech companies which employ them. We have outrage over the rising real-estate prices which these “techno geeks” can pay. …

This is a very dangerous drift in our American thinking. Kristallnacht was unthinkable in 1930; is its descendant “progressive” radicalism unthinkable now?
After being condemned by the ADL, Mr. Perkins apologized for his gaffe. In particular, Abe Foxman complained that “He discredits himself and his argument by leaping to the absurd conclusion that class differences in America are stirring up sentiments similar to the virulent anti-Semitism that led to the deaths of six million Jews and millions of others in the Holocaust. … This is historical trivialization of the worst kind imaginable.”

It would seem that Foxman was more than usually outraged by Perkins analogizing the class warfare going on in San Francisco with the hostility toward Jews in 1930s Germany. That’s because, in the official story, the fact that Jews were an elite in 1930s Germany had nothing to do with the hostility directed against them. The official pitch is that anti-Semitism is nothing more than a psychiatric condition, completely unrelated to Jewish behavior.

But Mr. Perkins is quite right to make the analogy. From Chapter 5 of A People that Shall Dwell Alone (p. 147):
[Albert] Lindemann (1991, 10) notes that “[i]n the long history of the Jews, the rise of the Jews in the nineteenth century has few parallels in terms of the rapid transformation of the condition of the Jews—in absolute and relative numbers, wealth, in fame, in power, and in influence.” The extraordinary rise of Jews in Germany in the period from 1870 to 1933 following emancipation was a general phenomenon. Jews were concentrated in urban areas and in particular occupations. In general, they were vastly overrepresented in areas requiring a high level of education (business, professions, public service) and underrepresented in agriculture and domestic service—a pattern that Gordon (1984) finds had existed since the Middle Ages. In 1871, when the Jews became fully emancipated in Germany, 60 percent were already in the middle‑ and upper‑income brackets ([David] Sorkin 1987, 110).

[Werner E.] Mosse (1987, 204) estimates that despite representing less than 1 percent of the population, Jews controlled 20 percent of the commercial activity in Germany in the from 1819 to 1935, as indicated by percentages of Jews among the economic elite. Moreover, Jewish involvement in the largest companies was even more substantial than this figure might indicate. For example, Mosse (1987, 273‑274) finds that in 1907 Jews had a dominant position in 33 of the 100 largest companies and in 9 of the 13 companies with share capital over 100 million marks. Jews occupied a similar position through the Weimar period (pp. 357‑358). In some areas where Jews were concentrated, the overrepresentation of Jews was far higher. Thus, in the capital of Berlin, Jews accounted for nearly 45 percent of the official government Kommerzienrat awards given to outstanding businessmen, and in Prussia in 1911 44 percent of the 25 richest millionaires were Jews, as were 27.5 percent of the 200 richest millionaires and 23.7 percent of the 800 richest. In Berlin, as in the Hesse‑Nassau area, 12 of the 20 wealthiest taxpayers were Jews.

In the period from 1928 to 1932, Jews controlled 25 percent of retail sales and had a dominant position in certain areas, such as metal businesses, textiles and clothing, grain trade, and department stores [Sarah Ann] Gordon 1984). Jews also had a prominent position in private banking, so that, for example, in Berlin in 1923, there were 150 Jewish banks and 11 non-Jewish banks. And Jews were also prominently involved in the stock market, the insurance industry, and economic consulting firms. In 1923 Jews occupied 24 percent of the supervisory positions in joint‑stock companies. Gordon (1984) also shows that Jews were vastly overrepresented in the legal and judicial system, among university faculty, and as physicians.
See also Yuri Slezkine’s point in his The Jewish Century (Princeton, 2004; see here, p. 73) that Jews were overrepresented in Germany’s economic elite by a factor of 33.

In fact, Jews were an elite one percent in pre-WWII Germany and, as Slezkine notes, had a similar profile throughout Eastern Europe at the time; there can be little doubt that this elite status was part of the context of anti-Semitism throughout the area, along with other volatile issues, such as Jewish opposition to national cultures throughout the area, also documented by Slezkine.

It’s a familiar pattern, also apparent elsewhere in the West, especially in the U.S.

And that’s the real reason why Foxman wants to squelch anyone who dares to allude to Jews as an elite with economic power all out of proportion to its representation in the population. (Or political power—paradigmatically, the Israel Lobby.)

So the analogy holds. Just another example of obvious, well-attested facts that we are not supposed to notice.

References
Gordon, S. (1984). Hitler, Germans, and the “Jewish Question.” Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.
Lindemann, A. S. (1991). The Jew Accused: Three Anti-Semitic Affairs (Dreyfus, Beilis, Frank) 1894–1915. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Mosse, W. E. (1987). Jews in the German, Economy: The German-Jewish Economic Élite 1820–1935. Oxford, England: Clarendon Press.
Sorkin, D. (1987). The Transformation of German Jewry, 1780–1840.New York: OxfordUniversity Press.

Dylan's little earner

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I've been a Bob Dylan obsessive all my life but my obsession just comes and goes - and it comes and goes in tandem with my obsession with my, and also his, Jewishness (which also comes and goes)

This is Dylan's latest little earner. Watch it and then ask yourself: Is this Bob, the voice of America speaking up for the American working man? Or is this the Jew Zimmerman doing what Jews always do, pretending to be authentic? Or... is it an old Jew, finally coming clean and giving us all a great big wink? Or perhaps it's just Dylan's little earner.

Who’s afraid of a binational state? by Gideon Levy

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 This piece from Haaretz  claims that the one-state in Palestine already exists. It was sent by Dan McGowan who's been saying the same for as long as I've known him. 
 

Jews and Arabs have lived together in one state since 1948 - the one state solution is already here.

Jews and Arabs have lived together in one state since 1948; Israelis and Palestinians have lived together in one state since 1967. This country is Jewish and Zionist, but not democratic for everyone. Its Arab citizens are deprived, while the Palestinians in the territories are disinherited and lacking rights. Yet the one state solution is here - and has been for quite a long time.

It has been a solution for its Jewish citizens and a disaster for its Palestinian subjects. The ones who are frightened by it - nearly all Israelis - ignore the reality that the one state arrangement already exists. They only are terrified by a change in its character - from a state of apartheid and occupation to an egalitarian state; from a binational state in practice that is disguised as a nation state (of the ruler), to a binational state in principle. Either way, Jews and Palestinians have lived in this one state for at least two generations, albeit apart. It’s impossible to ignore.

Relations between the two peoples in this one country have known changes: from a military regime over the Arab-Israelis until its abolishment (in 1966), from a calmer and freer period in the territories through stormy periods of murderous terror and violent occupation. In Jerusalem, Acre, Jaffa, Ramle, Lod, the Galillee and Wadi Ara live Arabs and Jews, and the relations between them are not impossible.

Relations with the Palestinians in the territories have also changed - but over the years we lived in one country, even if by the sword.

For 47 years, the possibility of withdrawing from the territories and contributing as such to the longed-for Jewish and democratic character of the state has stood before the Israelis who fear a change in its character. They chose not to. It is perhaps their right - most doubtfully - but it is their duty to offer another solution.

Under this banner, they established the settlement enterprise, whose goal was to thwart partition. This enterprise succeeded to the point that it became irreversible. And there’s no arguing with success: no one speaks anymore of evacuating over half a million settlers - and therefore no one speaks anymore of a just solution of two states.

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry’s proposals, which also deter a large number of Israelis, do not guarantee a just solution, so they do not promise a solution. “Settlement blocs” will remain in place. Ariel has long been inside, and leasing Ofra and Beit El are possibilities. “Security arrangements” will be made for the Jordan Valley, perhaps its settlements will also be allowed to remain. The proposal says no to return or a solution to the refugee problem. Meanwhile, the prime minster makes a commitment not to “evacuate one Jew” and proposes keeping settlers under Palestinian sovereignty - as unabashed spin.

With all that, it may be possible to go to the corner grocer, to formulate and even sign another document (without any intention of implementing it) that resembles remarkably to all its predecessors since the 1969 Rogers plan, through the Clinton parameters to the Road Map. All of them are kicking up dust, deep in some filing cabinet. But it’s impossible to solve the conflict with such a plan. The refugees, the settlers and the Gaza Strip; the lack of good intentions; and the lack of justice will all remain as they are.

Anyone who supports the two-state solution - apparently most Israelis - must offer a real solution. Kerry’s proposals do not bode well. Israel might just accede to them, but only to maintain its relations with the United States and the world and to push the Palestinians to the wall, certainly not to establish peace or impose justice.

From this general "no" rises the "yes:" yes, to one state. If Israelis truly want to maintain the settlements they established, and to remain in the Jordan Valley and on the mountain ridge, in Gush Etzion and in Maale Adumim, in East Jerusalem and leading in Beit El - let them do so, but then there won’t be two states. If there are no two states, there is only one state. If there is one state, then the discourse must change: equal rights for everyone.

The problems are many and complicated, and like them so are the solutions: division into districts, federation, joint or separate governance. But there will be no demographic change here - because the state has long been binational - but rather just a democratic and conscious change. And then the question will arise in full force: Why is it so scary to live in an egalitarian state? Indeed, all other possibilities are much scarier.

Yesterday's news

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This appeared in the Guardian. It seems that Dieudonné's been banned from Britain. That's bad news but there's worse.

After I'd looked at it I scrolled down to the comments, just to get a feel for how people felt. They overwhelmingly towed the party line and were pretty anti-Dieudonné.

Then I saw a comment that had been deleted because it transgressed the Guardian's "Community Standards". After reading these I knew exactly why the Guardian is truly yesterday's news.

Below is the article but first, for your pleasure and delectation, are the Guardians 'Community Standards':

Community standards

There are 10 simple guidelines which we expect all participants in the community areas of the Guardian website to abide by, all of which directly inform our approach to community moderation (detailed below). These apply across the site, while moderation decisions are also informed by the context in which comments are made.
1. We welcome debate and dissent, but personal attacks (on authors, other users or any individual), persistent trolling and mindless abuse will not be tolerated. The key to maintaining the Guardian website as an inviting space is to focus on intelligent discussion of topics.
2. We acknowledge criticism of the articles we publish, but will not allow persistent misrepresentation of the Guardian and our journalists to be published on our website. For the sake of robust debate, we will distinguish between constructive, focused argument and smear tactics.
3. We understand that people often feel strongly about issues debated on the site, but we will consider removing any content that others might find extremely offensive or threatening. Please respect other people's views and beliefs and consider your impact on others when making your contribution.
4. We reserve the right to redirect or curtail conversations which descend into flame-wars based on ingrained partisanship or generalisations. We don't want to stop people discussing topics they are enthusiastic about, but we do ask users to find ways of sharing their views that do not feel divisive, threatening or toxic to others.
5. We will not tolerate racism, sexism, homophobia or other forms of hate-speech, or contributions that could be interpreted as such. We recognise the difference between criticising a particular government, organisation, community or belief and attacking people on the basis of their race, religion, sex, gender, sexual orientation, disability or age.
6. We will remove any content that may put us in legal jeopardy, such as potentially libellous or defamatory postings, or material posted in potential breach of copyright.
7. We will remove any posts that are obviously commercial or otherwise spam-like. Our aim is that this site should provide a space for people to interact with our content and each other, and we actively discourage commercial entities passing themselves off as individuals, in order to post advertising material or links. This may also apply to people or organisations who frequently post propaganda or external links without adding substantively to the quality of the discussion on the Guardian website.
8. Keep it relevant. We know that some conversations can be wide-ranging, but if you post something which is unrelated to the original topic ("off-topic") then it may be removed, in order to keep the thread on track. This also applies to queries or comments about moderation, which should not be posted as comments.
9. Be aware that you may be misunderstood, so try to be clear about what you are saying, and expect that people may understand your contribution differently than you intended. Remember that text isn't always a great medium for conversation: tone of voice (sarcasm, humour and so on) doesn't always come across when using words on a screen.You can help to keep the Guardian community areas open to all viewpoints by maintaining a reasonable tone, even in unreasonable circumstances.
10. The platform is ours, but the conversation belongs to everybody. We want this to be a welcoming space for intelligent discussion, and we expect participants to help us achieve this by notifying us of potential problems and helping each other to keep conversations inviting and appropriate. If you spot something problematic in community interaction areas, please report it. When we all take responsibility for maintaining an appropriate and constructive environment, the debate itself is improved and everyone benefits.
In short:
- If you act with maturity and consideration for other users, you should have no problems.
Don't be unpleasant. Demonstrate and share the intelligence, wisdom and humour we know you possess.
Take some responsibility for the quality of the conversations in which you're participating. Help make this an intelligent place for discussion and it will be.

Dieudonné M'bala M'bala: French 'quenelle' comedian banned from UK

Home Office warns border officials not to let controversial comic into UK to support Nicolas Anelka in 'quenelle' gesture hearing

Kim Willsher in Paris

theguardian.com, Monday 3 February 2014


Dieudonné: a Home Office spokesperson confirmed that the French comic is subject to an exclusion order. Photograph: Sipa Press/REX

The controversial French comedian Dieudonné M'bala M'bala has been banned from entering Britain after several of his shows were cancelled in France.

Dieudonné had said he would travel to the UK to support his friend, footballer Nicolas Anelka, who is facing a disciplinary hearing after performing a "quenelle"– an allegedly antisemitic gesture – during a Premier League match.

The Home Office has declared the performer persona non grata and warned he will not be allowed into the country.

The Home Office has sent out a warning to airlines and other transport companies as well as border officials, that the performer, known by his stage name Dieudonné, is an "excluded" individual.

A Home Office spokesperson said: "We can confirm that Mr Dieudonné is subject to an exclusion order. The home secretary will seek to exclude an individual from the UK if she considers that there are public policy or public security reasons to do so."

Several of Dieudonné's shows were banned in France last month at the start of a 22-date tour amid fears that his stereotypical portrait of Jews and mocking of the Holocaust were a risk to public order.

Dieudonné fans and civil liberties campaigners accused the French government of attacking free speech and of censorship. The comedian rewrote his shows dropping the most offensive material.

Anelka, a striker with West Bromwich Albion, has been charged by the Football Association after performing a quenelle when he scored a goal against West Ham on 28 December.

The 34-year-old player said he was expressing his support for his friend Dieudonné, who claims to have invented the gesture, described by some as an inverted Nazi salute.

Dieudonné, who has convictions for inciting racial hatred through his antisemitic jokes and comments, insists the gesture is simply anti-establishment. However, he has failed to distance himself from groups and individuals who have posted photographs of themselves doing the quenelle outside synagogues, Holocaust memorials, Jewish schools and even at the Nazi death camp at Auschwitz.

Anelka has insisted he is "neither antisemitic or racist". The hearing is not expected before the end of February.

The document outlining the ban on Dieudonné was leaked to the Swiss newspaper Tages-Anzeiger. It states that the 47-year-old comic "should not be carried to the UK" (pdf).

It warned transport carriers they faced a fine of up to £10,000 if they allow him to travel to Britain.

"The above-named has been excluded from the UK at the direction of the secretary of state on 31 January 2014. Carriers required to provide data to e-Borders will be refused authority to carry him to the UK He is not eligible for carriage. If he travels he will be denied entry at the UK border."

France's interior minister, who supported the ban on Dieudonné's shows, said he was no longer artistic or funny but engaged in the "mechanics of hate".

"We cannot tolerate antisemitism, historical revisionism and racism, and the highest jurisdiction in our country has agreed," he said.

Dieudonné was questioned by police two weeks ago after a bailiff who arrived at the comedian's home to serve a writ claimed he was attacked.

The comedian is at the centre of several official and police inquiries after allegations of unpaid fines, the "fraudulent organisation of bankruptcy" and another claim that he incited racial hatred after making antisemitic remarks about radio presenter Patrick Cohen.

During one of his shows Dieudonné told the audience: "When I hear Patrick Cohen speak, I tell myself, you know, the gas chambers … a pity."
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